Retired Brigadier-General Abel Mazinyane
I SHUDDER to think how long it would have taken to liberate Southern Africa without the assistance of Zambia. All liberation movements of southern Africa had armed struggle operational bases in Zambia, at one time or another. This meant that Zambia was declaring war against South Africa, Rhodesia, Portugal and indeed most of the Western world.
The liberation movements that had military bases in Zambia in the 1970s were, ANC (South Africa), Swapo (Namibia), Zapu (Zimbabwe), Frelimo (Mozambique), Zanu (Zimbabwe), COREMO (Mozambique), MPLA (Angola), PAC (South Africa) and Unita of Angola.
Other African countries housed fighters of the above liberation movements when they were undergoing military training but Zambia accommodated these fighters when they were armed to the teeth. There was no limit to the quantity and class of weapons the liberation movements could bring into Zambia. The Zambian army was responsible for transporting weapons at its own expense from Dar es Salaam (the headquarters for the Liberation Committee) to Zambia. Within, Zambia delivered the weapons to various operational bases. What a commitment!
Zambia did everything within its capability for the liberation of southern Africa in general and Zimbabwe in particular. It sacrificed its economy for the liberation of Zimbabwe. The Rhodesian border was closed as a measure to curb guerilla incursions. Rhodesia was Zambia’s corridor to the outside world. Zambia had to build Tazara Rail Line to Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, to free itself from the clasps of Rhodesia, South Africa and Portugal.
It gave state funerals for two most distinguished sons of Zimbabwe, Jason Ziyaphapha Moyo and Hebert Chitepo. Special caskets were provided so that the two most distinguished sons of the soil could be re-buried in independent Zimbabwe. The Zambian defence forces were major players throughout the funeral of the two great revolutionaries.
A liberation centre was established by the Zambian government in Lusaka to co-ordinate and facilitate issues related to liberation movements. A special Zambian army unit was formed to administer the centre. This centre was attacked by the Rhodesians at the same time with late VP Dr Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo’s residence in Lusaka.
In 1976/7 there was food shortage in Zambia especially maize and the government issued a directive to millers, that liberation movements were to be given first priority when it came to queues for meal-mealie and that they were not subject to rationing to which all Zambian citizens were subjected to. On many occasions Zambians went back home empty handed after guerrillas had emptied millers’ warehouses. Zambians never complained against the policies. What a dedication!
The Zambian uniformed forces were very highly committed to the liberation of Africa; they went out of their way to assist freedom fighters. I recall when one ZPRA driver drove along one of our unique Russian trucks (the kraz) along a one way street in Lusaka towards a wrong direction with public shouting: “Comrade siku bush kuno, niku town”(comrade this is not the bush, it’s town). The Zambian police stopped him and patiently directed him to the proper street. I have always suspected that some of the people who claimed to have been drivers in Rhodesia were probably touts.
There was a case when the Rhodesians attacked one of our bases on the Zambezi River bank near Lisitu Village along Lake Kariba on the Zambian side. The base was in a ZPRA region code-named BLI and commanded by Cde Mataure (Retired Colonel Richard Ngwenya), we lost 13 ZPRA fighters. Prior to this battle ZPRA forces had attacked and annihilated Rhodesia forces that had camped on the river bank facing Zambia. Bodies were spotted floating along the Zambezi River after the battle.
When ZPRA headquarters was alerted of the Rhodesian attack the commanders, Alfred Nikita Mangena, Cephas Cele, Abel Mazinyane (members of high command), drove to Lusitu in the early morning hours. As we turned off Kariba Road at Lusitu village we saw a Zambian military vehicle that had reacted to the Rhodesian attack blown up by an anti-tank mine planted by Rhodesian forces. A front axle and a leg of a Zambian soldier was hanging on a nearby tree above the damaged vehicle.
A Zambian ferret reconnaissance vehicle was leading the two ZPRA Land Rovers. Zambian soldiers took up defensive positions around the base while we buried our fallen comrades.
ZPRAs had fought vigorously until the Rhodesians called helicopter gunships for reinforcement. The Rhodesians also recorded losses during this battle because we found several of their medical drips abandoned around the area and they had shot on the forehead all the comrades they had killed. They even shot on the forehead of a Soviet child’s picture that was on a condensed milk tin donated by USSR.
President Kenneth Kaunda was furious over the ZPRA loss; he wanted to question the regional commander on why his guerillas camped so close to the camp they had destroyed. He wanted Cde Mataure to be brought to State House to explain. Cde Mataure crossed into Rhodesia and remained there for some months while we pleaded his case.
President Kaunda got personally involved on issues of liberation movements, when refugees flocked to Zambia he visited their camps. I remember on several occasions he would accompany Joshua Nkomo to the camps and interview the small children. The horror stories of escape from Rhodesia always made him cry. He supported the liberation of Africa whole heartedly.
Zambia provided free medical service to all liberation movements at its government hospitals. The Zambian economic infrastructure was destroyed by Rhodesia and racist South Africa. Villages along the Zambezi were burnt down and innocent Zambian civilians killed.
One time the Zapu main residence (Zimbabwe House) in Lusaka was attacked at night with small arms and rocket launchers (there were several such attacks while Colonel William Dube was on guard duty during one of the attacks).
A day after the attack, a journalist from a Zambian newspaper, the Times of Zambia, was assaulted by guerillas when he was caught taking photos of ZH from across the street.
His picture appeared in a newspaper with a heavily bandaged face the following day. The Times of Zambia had a story blaming ZPRA for the assault of its journalist. The following day, the offices of the newspaper were bombed. Rhodesians wanted ZPRA to be blamed for the bombing but the Zambian government dismissed the Rhodesian propaganda.
It was the Zambian Air Force plane that flew the Zimbabwean nationalists from Rhodesia to Lusaka after their release from detention in 1974. After that it was also Zambia which oversaw the signing of the Zimbabwe Unity Agreement of all Zimbabwean Nationalist Movements (Zapu, Zanu and Frolizi under Bishop Muzorewa on 7 December 1974). The Zimbabwe Liberation Council (ZLC) which was to unite the two liberation armies, ZPRA and ZANLA was set up in Zambia under the leadership of John Landa Nkomo and Simon Vengasai Muzenda.
Sometimes liberation movements broke Zambian laws but mostly bent them. Zambia gave a blind eye as usual. In 1974, I recall when Zapu was given some money by a Scandinavian country with a condition that, it be used for non-lethal activity. It was decided that the money be used to hire airplanes to fly refugees from Botswana to Zambia. The task was given to ZPRA which ordered me to accompany two Zambian airline planes to ferry refugees from Francistown in Botswana. ZPRA could not let the opportunity to bring in recruits pass. It was a God-given Trojan horse.
On one of the flights to Francistown we were caught in a rainstorm in Rhodesian air space. The Zambian crews decided that it was dangerous to try and land at Francistown Airport. There was a low cloud and Francistown was not equipped to handle prevailing weather conditions. What could be done was to ask for permission to land at Bulawayo Airport temporarily for the storm to pass. When we were approached with the above suggestion, I threatened that I was going to unleash some unspecified violence.
However, all ended well, Botswana improvised some lighting at Francistown Airport and we landed smoothly. In the two planes, I had brought some clothing for refugees and hidden in those bales, were arms, ammunition, grenades and anti-tank mines. This was the initial stage of opening the Southern Front. I did not return with these planes for fear of arrests in Zambia. On my return I immediately went to see the ZPRA chief of staff, Ambrose Mutinhiri with an intention to plead my case, instead the chief of staff congratulated me for a job well done. He was in the dark and I kept my mouth shut. Both Zambia and Botswana closed one eye as we violated their laws. What a sacrifice by the two sister countries!
Freedom fighters often travelled out of Zambia for one reason or another. Zambia provided travel documents for all those who needed them. Zambian passports were issued to some senior party and military commanders. This made it easy for them to move in and out of Zambia. I was one of the recipients of a Zambian passport. We were even later issued with President’s Office identity cards for easy access to government offices. This was putting the Zambian security at risk for the liberation of Africa.
Furthermore, the guerrillas had to be protected against diseases such as cholera, typhoid and many others that prevented them from entering other countries, especially Eastern Europe which was the often destination. Guerrilla recruits could easily bring unknown diseases into Zambia because they came in through various rough unofficial entrance points. This made disease control by the Zambian ministry of health difficult. It was virtually impossible for Zambia to implement a disease control policy as long as there were liberation movements on its soil.
Many guerrillas claimed to be Zambians when they travelled outside Zambia; after all they were using Zambian travel documents. One time in USSR I encountered a lady from Angola who like me also claimed to be Zambian. She was brought to me by Russian ladies at a military hospital in Moscow to meet her fellow Zambian, me. As we struggled to find each other’s frequency, the Russian ladies who had brought her were convinced that she had met her fellow country man. She tried to speak to me in some Zambian North Western (probably broken) dialect while I experimented with my Nyanja. We were both Zambians who could not communicate because of a language barrier.
Zambia had strong anti-poaching laws but with freedom fighters all over the country, enforcing of this law was always going to prove difficult. Zambian wildlife was always part of the guerrilla food chain.
HAPPY BIRTHDAY ZAMBIA. I honestly believe all former freedom fighters wish you many more.
Rtd Brig-Gen Mazinyane is a former member of the ZPRA High Command.




