adminhistory of democracy and a recent 42 year old autocratic leadership, Libyans that risked lives and limbs to remove the Gaddafi family leadership now face the huge task of forging a political and economic consensus on the way forward.
In a country with fierce ethnic lineages and allegiances as well as jealously guarded geographical areas of political and economic influences, Libya faces daunting odds.
As an immediate post conflict country with massive destruction of infrastructure, the National Transitional Council faces massive challenges. Today in Libya, well-armed militias effectively control key towns in the country. Clashes between rival militias have already occurred.
Libyans, in the quest for a new Libya must tackle specific, unavoidable challenges. The first immediate challenge is to establish a functional and effective government that holds sway in every part of the country, especially in Tripoli, Benghazi, Misrata and the Western Mountain areas. The central government must quickly move to protect lives and property. The government must also work diligently to enthrone the rule of law and due process.
Critical to law and order issues is the urgent need to begin the process of transforming various militia groups into professional military and police forces.
This transformation will not occur overnight. However, the government does not have the luxury of time: independent, ethnic and geographic-based militias are inimical to the stability of the government and to the future of a united Libya. The government of Libya also faces the daunting task of safeguarding military weapons, including heavy ordinances abandoned by the former government.
The reported formation of a new central government in Libya is a welcome first step. However, a new central government must be representative of various interest groups in the country and must be seen as legitimate by ordinary citizens. In establishing the legitimacy and efficiency of the new government, the prime minister and cabinet ministers should be seen as serving all Libyans rather than parochial or primordial interests.
The second challenge is to speedily and effectively restore basic services in neighbourhoods and communities. Restoration of water supply, basic sanitation, healthcare services and electricity are important first steps. Clearing of refuse and debris of war are also important. Opening up neighbourhood roads and making it possible for neighbourhood merchants to operate are vital. Getting Libyan children back to school is critical. The third challenge is to put as many Libyans as possible back to work.
This will be a very important litmus test for the new government. As a rich nation with only 6 million citizens and reported massive foreign reserves, the new Central government should aim to jumpstart the economy through direct labour, public works program to rebuild infrastructure destroyed during the civil war.
In particular, the army of jobless Libya university graduates, the lynchpin of the Libya Spring revolt, should be put to work. In the massive, co-ordinated effort to put Libyans back to work and jumpstart the national economy, the Libyan government should be guided by transparency and accountability. A whiff of corruption or malfeasance in the corridors of power or within civil authorities will be devastating to the fragile efforts to build a new Libya.
The fourth and a very delicate challenge is how Libya relates with the powerful Western and Arab nations that overthrew Gaddafi. Each of these powerful nations played a critical role in win the war. These countries expect to have close relations with Libya, including political and economic linkages. In particular, powerful Western nations, as bastions of democracy, will like to see Libya move as quickly as possible to participatory democracy.
The new central government should forge relations with its powerful backers or any other nation according to the best interest of the Libyan people. It is in the interest of Libya to move towards democracy. However, the timetable for democracy in Libya must be in alignment with the needs and priorities of Libyans as well in due cognisance to the practical realities on the ground. For example, no public institution exists today in Libya to support democracy or free enterprise. No national civil society organisation exists in Libya. No human rights-based public safety institution is operational in Libya.
The fifth challenge is how to address the onerous issue of reconciliation and rehabilitation. For Libya to become a united, prosperous country, all Libyans must work together. Libyans that supported the former government must work together with the supporters of the new government. Religious conservatives must work together with liberals. Different towns and geographical areas have to work together towards a common Libya. The elite in Benghazi and Tripoli have to reach common ground with the less fortunate in Libya. The central government must set the tone for reconciliation, including taking specific, practical steps to rehabilitate families and communities that suffered political, economic and religious persecution in the past and during the civil war.
- Dr Chinua Akukwe is former chair of the Technical Board of the Africa Centre for Health and Human Security, George Washington University, Washington.
Online Reporter