Momentum builds for Constitution Amendment No 3 as provinces back 2030 Vision

AS the 90-day public consultation period for the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No 3) Bill of 2026 swings into high gear, a powerful wave of provincial endorsements has highlighted a growing national consensus.

From the industrial heartland of the Midlands to the metropolitan hub of Bulawayo and the resource-rich Matabeleland North, the message from the grassroots is clear: the proposed reforms are a prerequisite for political stability and the uninterrupted fulfilment of Vision 2030.

The Bill, which proposes extending the presidential term from five to seven years and introduces a parliamentary system for the election of the President, is being framed not merely as a legal adjustment, but as a strategic fortification of the Second Republic’s development agenda.

The Midlands: A Fortress of Support

Leading the provincial charge, the Midlands province has declared its total backing for the Bill, citing its alignment with the aspirations of “patriotic Zimbabweans.” Minister of State for Midlands Provincial Affairs and Devolution, Owen Ncube, emphasised that the amendment is a direct product of the ruling party’s mandate.

“As the Midlands Province, we are fully behind the draft Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No 3) Bill, which speaks of the needs and wants of us patriotic Zimbabweans.

“We are very confident that it will sail through Parliament and allow the Second Republic to continue with the fulfilment of people-centric programmes and projects,” said Minister Ncube.

He further noted that the Bill aligns with Resolution 1 of the Zanu-PF National People’s Conference, effectively “allowing President Mnangagwa to lead until 2030.”

This sentiment was echoed by Zanu-PF Midlands provincial chairperson, Cde Edson Chakanyuka Chiherenge, who noted that the province had “unanimously endorsed” the proposal to ensure continuity and stability.

Bulawayo: Asserting Sovereignty

In Bulawayo, the discourse has taken a historical and legalistic tone. Zanu-PF Bulawayo provincial chairman, Cde Jabulani Sibanda, argued that the ability to amend the Constitution is a hallmark of a truly sovereign people.

Drawing a sharp contrast with the British legal system, Cde Sibanda noted that Zimbabwe’s written supreme law explicitly provides for its own evolution.

“What we are doing now — proposing amendments — is fully permitted within our Constitution. It allows us to govern and amend our laws to enable our development as we see fit, according to our own vision and not the vision of outsiders,” Cde Sibanda asserted.

He framed the Bill as a shield against foreign interference, urging those with grievances to approach the “revolutionary garage” for repairs rather than seeking foreign-funded alternatives.

Matabeleland North: Synchronising for Development

Further North, Minister of State for Matabeleland North Provincial Affairs and Devolution, Cde Richard Moyo, highlighted the practical administrative benefits of the Bill.

Speaking in Nyamandlovu, he pointed out that the seven-year term and the parliamentary election of the President are practices already mirrored in regional neighbours like South Africa and Angola.

“The people have agreed that we want an extension of the President’s tenure to 2030 so that he can complete his developmental projects.

“When the majority speaks, the only option is to join the train and move forward with the rest of the nation,” Minister Moyo said.

He underscored that the extension would “synchronise the electoral calendar,” ensuring that resources are directed towards clinics, roads, and dams rather than perpetual electioneering.

Legislative Readiness and Expert Validation

In Parliament, the ruling party is ready to exercise its two-thirds majority to see the Bill through. Zanu-PF Chief Whip Cde Pupurai Togarepi described the Bill as a “comprehensive antidote” to the toxicity of previous election cycles.

“The election of the President will be done by Parliament, putting us in the same league as other stable democracies like South Africa and Botswana.

“This model cuts the enormous costs of nationwide presidential campaigns — a drain on the fiscus — and minimises the toxicity that has characterised previous elections,” Cde Togarepi stated.

A Historical Return to Roots

To contextualise the proposed shift towards an indirect election of the President, political scientist and former Higher and Tertiary Education Minister Professor Jonathan Moyo has provided a historical roadmap.

Writing on his X handle under “presidential election tidbits,” Prof Moyo reminded the nation that the trajectory Zimbabwe is about to take is a return to its foundational governance model.

“Between 1980 and 1990 the head of the executive in Zimbabwe was not directly elected.

“The direct election of the President was first introduced in 1990 under Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment No 7 (Act 23 of 1987) which inaugurated the Executive Presidency,” Prof Moyo noted.

He further argued that Zimbabwe’s move aligns with regional peers, citing the Angolan model where the individual at the top of the winning party’s list automatically becomes President.

“Within SADC, in Angola the President is elected indirectly in terms of the 2010 Constitution . . . Direct presidential elections in Angola were last held in 1992!” he added, highlighting that the Bill seeks to align the country with stable, regional governance structures.

Similarly, political commentator Mr Dereck Goto noted that the reform is about “structure determining sustainability,” aiming for long-term administrative efficiency.

As the Bill moves towards its First Reading, the momentum from the provinces suggests that the “2030” slogan is rapidly transitioning from a political rallying cry into a “legal reality.”