Online Reporter
Lt-Col Makuyana(Retd)
Chinese Ambassador to Zimbabwe Zhou Ding recently hosted 18 war veterans who received Chinese training during the liberation struggle, both in China and in camps across Tanzania and Zambia in the 1960s and 1970s. During the engagement, they shared memories of their training, battles and the profound friendship with their Chinese comrades. We reproduce below an article penned by LIEUTENANT-COLONEL Humphrey Makuyana (RETD) on his experiences.
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History is not merely a record of events; it is a sacred testament to sacrifice, solidarity and the forces that shape a nation’s destiny.
For Zimbabwe, whose birth was midwifed by the sweat and blood of liberation fighters, the struggle for independence stands as a defining chapter.
Yet the story of that struggle is incomplete without acknowledging the unwavering support of the People’s Republic of China. As a war veteran who lived through the brutalities and triumphs of the liberation war, it is both a duty and moral obligation to honour those who stood with us when the world was divided — and when freedom was costly.This is not political rhetoric; it is historical truth, lest we forget.
China’s training institutions: The crucible of revolutionary leadership
Long before the dawn of 1980, thousands of young Zimbabwean nationalists left their homes, families and everything familiar to embark on a perilous journey of military and ideological training.
China opened its doors to these young cadres, offering not only facilities but high-quality military academies and political instruction centres.
In these institutions, Zimbabwean fighters received training in guerrilla warfare, strategic combat operations, political education and revolutionary ideology, intelligence gathering and counter-intelligence discipline, leadership and organisational ethics.
The Chinese approach to training was holistic. It transformed inexperienced youths into resilient guerrillas capable of confronting one of the most heavily armed colonial regimes in Africa.
The training instilled a sense of purpose, unity and ideological clarity. Freedom fighters were taught to understand the deeper meaning of liberation — beyond the battlefield — and to connect with the masses as their lifeline. This Chinese training was instrumental in shaping the operational doctrines of ZANLA.
Many of the seasoned commanders, political commissars and tacticians who later led successful operations in the rural hinterlands of Zimbabwe sharpened their craft in these Chinese institutions.
For many of us, China was not simply a training ground — it was a forge that moulded revolutionary consciousness.
Military and political instructors in Zambia and Tanzania
China did not limit its support to training Zimbabwean cadres within its borders.
At great diplomatic and logistical effort, it deployed military and political instructors directly to the frontlines of the liberation effort in Southern Africa.
These instructors were stationed in key training camps in Zambia — including Mboroma, Chifombo and other ZANLA-affiliated camps; Tanzania — notably Mgagao, Itumbi, Nachingwea and other centres of ideological and military transformation.
These Chinese instructors lived among us. They endured the same life of scarcity, mosquitoes, harsh weather and the constant threat of Rhodesian bombardment. They walked the same paths, ate the same food, slept in the same barracks and trained under the same dangers.
Their presence strengthened arms handling and maintenance skills; close-combat tactics; ambush and counter-ambush operations; political and ideological education; discipline, unity and commitment to the people’s struggle. For Zimbabwean cadres, these instructors became true comrades — not foreign consultants. Their contribution cannot be diluted or erased from the national memory.
China provided the arms of war: The backbone of Zimbabwe’s liberation efforts
No liberation struggle can succeed without weapons. The Rhodesian regime was armed to the teeth, supported by apartheid South Africa and other Western powers. Our fighters, though determined, needed effective tools of resistance. China stepped in where many nations hesitated. The bulk of ZANLA’s armaments came from China, including AK-pattern rifles (Type 56), RPG-7 and other anti-tank weapons, LMGs, HMGs and ammunition, anti-personnel and anti-vehicle landmines, grenades, mortars and recoilless rifles, communication radios and field equipment, military uniforms, boots, tents, medical kits and survival supplies.
These weapons were not symbolic — they transformed the war. Chinese-supplied arms enabled ZANLA forces to launch effective guerrilla warfare operations, open and sustain new operational zones, resist Rhodesian patrols and air assaults, intensify pressure on the colonial government, build confidence among rural communities and raise the morale of fighters. It is a historical fact that without these arms, the liberation struggle would have been significantly prolonged and far more deadly. China’s support was not transactional. It was founded on ideological solidarity with oppressed peoples fighting for self-determination.
Political solidarity and international support
Beyond the battlefield, China was a powerful voice for Zimbabwe’s liberation cause in global diplomacy. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, China consistently recognised the legitimacy of the liberation struggle, supported liberation movements at the United Nations, provided diplomatic backing against colonial oppression, strengthened the international advocacy for majority rule and stood against Western support for the Rhodesian regime.
China’s consistent stance helped amplify the moral and political pressure that ultimately contributed to the collapse of colonial defiance. For Zimbabwe, this diplomatic support was invaluable. It anchored the struggle within a global context and proved that the liberation movement was not isolated or unsupported.
A war veteran’s reflection: Memory as national responsibility
As someone who walked through minefields, slept in the bush, carried Chinese rifles, received training from Chinese comrades and engaged in operations made possible by Chinese support, I must speak the truth clearly. China’s contribution is not a favour — it is a foundational pillar of our liberation history. Younger generations, who may only know China in terms of contemporary economic relations, must understand this deeper historical bond.
Long before trade agreements, infrastructure projects and political cooperation, China was a freedom ally. When Zimbabweans were hunted, China stood with them. When fighters needed training, China trained them. When weapons were needed, China supplied them. When global narratives dismissed African liberation, China defended it.
This is why honouring the Chinese people is not just courtesy — it is moral justice.
Honouring the past, strengthening the future
History demands honesty. The relationship between Zimbabwe and China was not born out of convenience — it was forged in the crucible of the struggle.
Recognising China’s contribution does not mean denying contributions from other nations. But truth requires us to acknowledge scale, consistency and depth.
China’s role stands tall among the greatest contributions. This recognition is also essential for educating future generations, safeguarding historical integrity, strengthening Zimbabwe’s diplomatic memory, preventing revisionism and honouring the sacrifices of both Zimbabweans and their allies.
A nation that forgets the hands that lifted it risks losing moral direction.
Lest we forget
As Zimbabwe continues to navigate its post-independence reality, it must remain grounded in the truths that shaped its birth.
From a war veteran’s vantage point — sharpened by memory, sacrifice and lived experience — one message becomes unmistakably clear: The people of China walked with us in the trenches. They supported us in the barracks. They armed us in the battlefield. They stood with us in the diplomatic arena. Their contribution is not a footnote in our history — it is a chapter written in bold ink.
We acknowledge.
We recognise.
We honour.
Lest we forget.
