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National HERO Cde Tshinga Dube, who died on Thursday, was involved in many critical aspects of Zimbabwe’s history. In his autobiography titled “Quiet Flows the Zambezi”, published by Amagugu Publishers and edited by Pathisa Nyathi, Cde Dube describes the role he played in Operation Restore Legacy that led to the resignation of former President Robert Mugabe and the ushering in of the Second Republic under President Mnangagwa. Below are excerpts from the book, looking at his involvement in the birth of the Second Republic.
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A rift between comrades in arms in ZPRA
A confidante of mine informed me that the commander of the Combined Defence Forces (CDF) faced immediate dismissal.
I believed the source because he always gave me accurate information.
At some point, I shared this information confidentially with one of the senior officials in my ministry.
You see, then I had been appointed Minister for the War Veterans and War Collaborators following the sacking of Christopher Mutsvangwa, the elected leader of war veterans.
I had insinuated to the senior official that if the news were true, then there was a real prospect
for political insecurity in the country.
Little did I know my colleague was busy bugging our conversation.
He was very close to the Director-General of the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO).
The issue got to the ears of President Mugabe.
However, they did not know where I had got that information.
One morning, I received a call from Vice President Phelekezela Mphoko.
He said: “By the way, when did I tell you about the impending dismissal of Commander Lieutenant-General Constantino Chiwenga?”
There was strong speculation that I had got the information from Mphoko.
As a result, things changed dramatically for me in my ministry.
One of my subordinates had usurped my powers and became the de facto Minister for War Veterans and War Collaborators.
He was bypassing me and reporting directly to another senior member of the Politburo.
Vice President Mphoko was a friend from long ago.
We both attended Mzilikazi Primary School in Mzilikazi township in Bulawayo.
We went to train in the Soviet Union under ZAPU in 1964.
We saw ourselves becoming part of the High Command in Lusaka in 1968.
I was chief of communications, while he was chief of logistics.
We lived together in military camps.
I took him like a relative.
It was the unfolding events that would eventually lead to the demise of his reign and that of President Mugabe.
He supported the pro-Grace Mugabe war veterans faction.
I did not go along with the Chimene-Mlala-led war veterans faction.
I did what I believed was right. Vice President Mphoko regarded my stance as a great betrayal.
He took great offence to what he perceived as a failure on my part to take his advice.
He said a lot of nasty things about me.
In the heart of hearts, he knew I had no blemishes.
Rather, it was him who, when he was returning from Mozambique, was held in a doubtful status by the ZAPU political leadership.
When he returned home, I accommodated him in my house as a brother.
Then, here he was, telling me that my political career would certainly come to an end.
A long-standing friend had turned against me.
I hold no grudge against him and still regard him as a friend, colleague and former comrade-in-arms.
Meanwhile, Amai Grace Mugabe continued with her ambitious shenanigans calculated at causing division within the war veterans
camp.
She had appointed Mandi Chimene, the Minister of State for Manicaland province, as leader of another faction of war veterans.
Chimene was deputised by George Mlala, a former ZIPRA (Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army) cadre.
Grace Mugabe’s group of handpicked war veterans was strongly loyal to her and hostile to other war veterans led by Chris Mutsvangwa.
The splinter group presented me with serious problems.
If I wanted to continue as Minister for War Veterans and War Collaborators, I had to support this splinter group.
My conscience did not allow me to support people who had been handpicked at a meeting in Chiweshe.
If I did, I would be an enemy of my conscience.
I thus became an enemy of the First Family and those who were fighting the war veterans.
I began receiving threats against my life, more so when I was addressing my constituents in Makokoba, where I had won the parliamentary seat when the MDC decided to boycott the elections.
It was at that time that I suggested that President Mugabe should nominate a successor.
That brought upon me serious wrath, especially from the splinter group.
They staged demonstrations against me and were really baying for my head.
Not being a political fool, I
knew my days were numbered in the President’s Office, where I oversaw
the war veterans and war collaborators.
Several buses arrived packed to the brim with people chanting derogatory songs and slogans against me.
The writing on the wall was pretty clear.
I got to know there was an impending Cabinet reshuffle which was going to claim my scalp.
I began packing my books in my office. My secretary was surprised at my behaviour.
Just as I had predicted, I was booted out of the Cabinet. I did not panic at all; I had known about it and seen it coming.
My workmate who had bugged our conversation was well-known for kicking people out of their political positions.
I was his fourth victim, so nothing came as a surprise . . . I believed ED was the most experienced to
take over from Mugabe as he had worked closely with him for many years.
Online Reporter