Online Reporter
Comrades JOHN GAZI (JG), whose Chimurenga name was Alfred Dube, and CETSHWAYO SITHOLE (CS), who used the nom de guerre Tonderai Ngoma, conclude their narration by recounting to our Society Editor PRINCE MUSHAVEVATO some of the key developments before, during and after Zimbabwe’s independence. They also further explain the contentious issue of Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) properties.
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Q: It is understood that you had some sort of arrangement with South Africa’s African National Congress (ANC) that went beyond cooperation of the battlefield. Can you tell us more about this?
JG: After we attained independence, we were the first group to demobilise. This immediately led us into pursuing specifically ZIPRA projects, which entailed dealing with our South African colleagues. This arrangement existed because some of the ZIPRA properties were jointly held with our ANC colleagues.
These properties were meant to facilitate the smooth flow of their (ANC) logistics, and we were tasked with overseeing them. That is precisely why these specific properties were targeted by the enemy (Rhodesians and Boers). They wanted to neutralise these assets because they did not want the South African ANC to be active, either in Zimbabwe or in their own country.
Q: Are these the same properties that are currently under discussion?
JG: Yes, these are indeed the same properties. We engaged the President in 2019 to discuss their return. Before that, we had also approached the late President Mugabe in 2016 at the National Conference Centre (City Sports Centre).
He (President Mugabe) committed himself to returning our properties because it has been a passionate issue for us. Some of us demobilised specifically to pursue this other channel and continue the struggle with our MK (Umkhonto weSizwe) colleagues.
This involved establishing business enterprises to assist as best we could with the transit of MK cadres, which certainly did not sit well with the enemy. It was mainly the Boers who influenced some of the leadership to seize certain properties from us, alleging that “they were being used by terrorists”.
Q: So, basically, we can say there has been progress on the issue?
JG: The process might not be moving as fast as we would love, but, yes, there has been some progress. Back in the struggle, we had leaders whom we believed in and we would respectfully follow their instructions.
I first knew Brigadier-General Ambrose Mutinhiri (Retired) back in 1975 when I joined the struggle. The other guys like KK, I knew them later when I went for further training in the Soviet Union. These are people we had confidence in, including the likes of JZ Moyo and Nikita Mangena — a ZIPRA commander.
Comrade Mutinhiri inspired us a lot, and still does. Whenever he came to the camps, he would first focus on the mind. That is why he had the slogan “Mhandu yave demoralised, chasara yave reinforcement” (The enemy is demoralised, what remains is reinforcement), which originated from him.
He has sound leadership that is still relevant. We are happy he is around to assist in the properties issue. Of the two people who came up with the idea of the board, Cde Tshinga is now late. VP (Kembo) Mohadi is around . . . We still have some of our commanders, but age is taking a toll on them . . .
Q: As we conclude our interview, anything else you would wish to discuss?
CS: I probably would want to give a brief background about myself, which I did not do when we started the interview. I was born in Gwanda North, in Matshetshe.
My mother was a Nkala. My father died when I was still young and I was brought up at my uncle’s place. I went to primary school down in Gwanda.
For secondary, I came to Bulawayo and attended Luveve Secondary School up to Form Two. I could not continue further due to lack of school fees.
A pivotal situation arose in 1974 when leaders like Joshua Nkomo were released from prison.
Upon his release, he informed us about talks with Ian Smith and others, including a conference at the Victoria Falls Bridge where they were supposed to unify with colleagues in ZANU.
However, there was a conflict.
Back in 1972, our leaders, both ZANU and ZAPU, had asked Abel Muzorewa, as a bishop, to stop the British Pearce Commission.
They wanted a referendum, so they asked Muzorewa to lead the people to reject the proposals under the Pearce Commission.
It was then that Muzorewa was, in my view, recruited by the British and he began claiming that ZANLA, ZIPRA, ZANU or ZAPU did not have the authority or right of the people, asserting he was the only legitimate leader.
There was a period around 1974 called détente, which almost stopped the operations of ZIPRA, ZANLA and others.
Around that time, Nkomo and other senior colleagues had been attending conferences with Smith but eventually realised that he was never going to grant us independence through negotiations alone, hence the renewed need for war.
This was around 1975. We were greatly encouraged by the situation in Angola where the MPLA was taking power from the Portuguese.
I joined the war voluntarily, but Mudhara Nkomo was mobilising people in much larger numbers.
I went to war because of the negative actions Muzorewa took.
Online Reporter