Zanu PF’s secret to longevity is it’s people policies

Ranga Mataire-Group Political Editor

The revolutionary ZANU PF is converging in Bulawayo for its 21st Annual National People’s Conference to review the year’s progress and map out strategies for the coming year.

Since independence, ZANU PF has continued being the dominant and most popular political party in the country, judging by its consecutive electoral victories.

Undoubtedly, one fundamental survival streak of the party has been its solid foundation born out of its bosom relationship and attachment with the masses or peasants whose support was critical in the successful execution of the liberation struggle.

For a better appreciation of the longevity of the ruling ZANU PF party, one needs to look at how the party came into being from the days of ZAPU then ZANU and later ZANU PF in the post-independence period.

It was at its first Gwelo Congress in 1964 that the foundation to wage an armed liberation struggle was mooted.

Delegates at the congress passed resolutions that clearly urged the party to “wage a relentless struggle against a minority government in Southern Rhodesia.” The congress adopted a draft principle to establish a democratic state in Zimbabwe in which the government was supposed to be created through one man, one vote.

Similarly, at its People’s Conference held at Cold Comfort Farm in the then Salisbury, ZAPU constituted a new executive and passed resolutions that reinforced its founding principles to fight for the immediate and total liquidation of imperialism and colonialism, direct and indirect, and to cooperate with international forces as are engage “in this struggle”, to establish a democratic state, with a government based on “one man, one vote” and to foster the spirit of pan-Africanism in Zimbabwe and the maintenance of links with pan-African movements all over Africa.

At the core of the two liberation movements’ founding values was the belief in the masses’ capacity to effectively fight for their own independence after all previous attempts to negotiate with consecutive colonial regimes had failed to yield the much vaunted “one man, one vote” aspiration.

The liberation movements evolved from trade union and mere nationalist organisations to develop into mass protests in the 1950s. As the people’s movements grew stronger and broader at the end of the decade, settler politics shifted to the right, further entrenching their oppressive policies and restricting any possibility of a negotiated road to majority rule.

A point to note is that the major driving force of the two liberation movements was more than just the racial discrimination of the colonial regime in all facets of society, but the brutal dispossession of land that literally rendered most Africans servitudes in their own country as they were moved to barren, mostly rocky and infertile lands called Tribal Trust Lands or African reserves, which the late author Charles Mungoshi in, Waiting for the Rain said were mere “places where one was to be buried”.

Although the majority of the leadership of both ZANU and ZAPU could broadly be described as the African intelligentsia; one way or the other they all had peasant backgrounds and were raised in rural communities that bore the major brunt of colonial oppression.

The leadership understood the aspirations of the peasants, particularly the issue of land deprivation coupled with a number of unjust laws that restricted their general well-being.

The forced evictions of Africans from their ancestral lands to pave way for white colonial farmers became a national grievance that spurred the First Chimurenga War and was given much impetus in the Second Chimurenga War when Zimbabweans realised that the only way they could claim back their land and freedom was through an armed liberation struggle.

The alienable historical bond between the masses and ZANU PF can thus be traced back to the liberation struggle in which the masses and freedom fighters were like the “water and the fish”.

Fast-forward to post independence, ZANU PF still remains the most popular and dominant party in Zimbabwe mainly because the majority of people believe in its policies that have remained pro-majority and pro-poor.

This is evidenced by its electoral victories each time elections are held.

To its credit, ZANU PF has undertaken deliberate action to remedy and fulfil liberation promises, particularly on the issue of land.

The majority of Zimbabweans understand that it was because of the revolutionary land reform programme that Western nations imposed sanctions on the country.

They also understand that despite these sanctions; Zimbabwe was brave enough to embark on a programme to remedy historical iniquities on land.

More than 300 000 households are proud owners of farms ranging in different sizes.

This is not just a sentimental ownership but owners have been contributing substantially to the general economic being of the country by producing cash crops for export and ensuring food security. Although teething problems were encountered in the initial phases, every farmer now understands the need to produce and the Government has been at hand to offer support in providing the much needed inputs and mechanisation.

The recent announcement by the Government of a major shift on land tenure on farms acquired under the fast-track land reform programme augurs well with its development trajectory of making the land more productive and the attainment of an upper middle income economy.

The ZANU PF led government intends to issue a bankable form of title to land where the landowners can borrow against the land and sell the land or subdivide. But the land can only be sold to indigenous Zimbabweans.

The new land tenure offers several benefits to farmers in that it will allow them options of securing finance from banks, will allow capital markets to increase their participation in agricultural value chains; it will cater for family inheritances through farm subdivisions and offers options for people wanting to do farming for a certain period then move to other business interests.

While the intricacies of the new policy are still being worked out, one can see clearly the Government’s broad vision of modernising all sectors of the economy and improving the well-being of all Zimbabweans.

So in case you are wondering why the ruling party has continued to be a dominant player in the politics of the country, look no further than the history of the country, the present and what it’s offering for the future.

Its economic policies have found favour among the majority of Zimbabweans. Here is a summary of what ZANU PF has over the years instituted and continue to implement to improve the lot of Zimbabweans;

Economic policies

Land Reform Program (2000): Redistributed land from commercial farmers to small-scale farmers, benefiting over 150,000 families.

Promotes local ownership and control of businesses.

Government-supported farming programmes aimed at increasing food security and agricultural production.

Encourages investors through its “Open for Business” mantra and set ZIDA to facilitate easy setting up of business

Social policies

Free Primary Education (1980): Universal access to primary education.

Basic Healthcare Package (2014): Affordable healthcare services for vulnerable groups.

Rolling out ZiG190 million every month for the next 9 months to cater for cash transfers to cater for food insecure households across the country’s urban areas.

Infrastructure development

Rural Roads Development Programme: Improved connectivity and accessibility.

Dam construction

Expansion of more modernised learning facilities

Completion of expansion and modernisation of RGM International Airport

Construction of the New Parliament Building in Mt Hampden

Rehabilitation and expansion of major roads in the capital Harare

Empowerment initiatives

Women’s Bank (2018): Financial inclusion for women entrepreneurs.

Youth Empowerment Fund (2017): Supports youth entrepreneurship and employment.

Community Development Fund: Supports grassroots projects.

Health and wellness