Pathisa Nyathi Cultural Heritage
BY scrutinising a community’s culinary traditions (gastronomy) one gets some useful insights into that particular community culture. Other than providing sustenance, food has other roles that it plays which, in essence, express its various cultural attributes. In fact, culinary traditions provide a critical entry point into understanding the community, alongside the community’s artistic traditions.
Social stratification may be reflected in the culinary traditions of the community. The social and political elite, for example the royalty, may have dishes that are unique to it. Royalty is thus set apart from the commoners in terms of the type of dishes that are prepared at the palace. The differences may also include the number of chefs involved in food preparation and the way food is prepared and the accompanying traditions relating to, for example, how food is served. This means royalty is differentiated in more ways than one — culinary traditions, dress code and deportment, inter alia.
As indicated in last week’s article, gender differentiation is brought out in the culinary traditions of a community. There are cuts that are reserved for the women and men. This consideration demands that butchery skills be developed so that appropriate cuts are expertly separated and given to the appropriate persons. Indeed, there was recognition of people with such skills — those who knew how to separate ribs from the spinal cord — ukwehlukanisa imbambo lomgogodla.
Furthermore, culinary traditions will set apart the young from the old. Last week we did alluded to amalulu, the small intestines as being taboo to the children. These casings were the preserve of the elders, both male and female. There is a finger-like portion of the liver which is called impundu. Children and women did not partake of this impundu. This is understandable when one takes into account what an impundu is.
The first meaning of impundu is the entrance, (isango) into a cattle byre/pen (isibaya). The name of isango lesibaya is impundu. Where there are close male friends they help each other when it comes to repairing impundu following cattle that have breached the palisade, umbelo. A good friend of the head of household, upon discovering that his friend’s cattle have escaped, will, without being asked, drive the cattle back into the pen/byre and secure the entrance (ukunxiba isango ngemigoqo).
Sometimes the cattle may escape through the palisade (umbelo). A good friend will, without a cue from his friend, repair umbelo the palisade. It is this type of friend who qualifies to eat the finger-like portion of a roasted liver. In fact, when the liver is removed from the carcass its impundu is severed and roasted separately. The good friend is the one who eats impundu and not just any man.
These are cultural practices and their accompanying etiquette. However, what is critically important is to unravel the philosophical underpinnings of why things are done the way they are. The “why” question is critically important in identifying the applicable worldview or belief. Cultural practices are behaviours which in turn are influenced by attitudes and values which dictate choice. Attitudes are about a people’s disposition to behave in a particular way. The driving force which results in certain attitudes are the worldviews or philosophies or beliefs.
Thus the culinary traditions have underlying philosophical underpinnings. Is it surprising why women are allocated brisket, ungiklane or ukanethwa? Is that not the area where breasts are found? Is it not women who have breasts? If, in a particular community, thigh meat is reserved for women, what are the perceptions of thighs in that community?. What do the thighs symbolise? How is that which is symbolised linked to women? For each cut and how it is allocated there is some underlying reason or justification in line with the community’s beliefs or worldviews. This in essence is to acknowledge culinary traditions as cultural expressions.
The side of a carcass that had the spear hole, inxeba, was never given to neighbours for consumption. That side, uhlangothi carried some spiritual significance. A man does not surrender his ancestors to neighbours. Ancestral spirits are retained within the household. Similarly, where a beast was slaughtered for spiritual reasons such as umbuyiso or the graduation of an ithwasa, the horned skull was placed on the front part of the kitchen hut’s thatched roof.
Such skulls, inkakhayi have been seen on the roofs of kitchen huts; their significance should be appreciated. If a slaughtered beast was solely for household consumption, its skull was not placed on the kitchen roof. The more skulls there were on the roof the stronger the link between the particular family and its ancestral spirits. In other words the number of skulls was a measure of spirituality.
Let us now deal with more food dishes. Meat was important in the diet of the Ndebele. Princess Sidambe preferred roasted meat, especially amalulu. She invariably dipped the casings, (amalulu) in blood and roasted them. Alternatively she would steep or soak amalulu in blood and instead of immediately cooking the bloodied amalulu, she dried the whole mass. She would then, at an opportune time, cut a portion, cook it and eat it. This was yet another of her favourite dishes.
Isikhupha was boiled meat which was not eaten while hot. Instead, such meat was allowed to cool overnight and then eaten the following day as cold meat. It is important to point out that the Ndebele did not use much salt, umyolo in their meat. They believed that salt made them easily get tired. This was not a welcome condition for soldiers who travelled long distances such as when on raiding expeditions.
Meat was cooked in large clay pots which were hermetically sealed by applying cow dung between the covering potsherd and the rim of the pot. The idea was to ensure that no steam escaped. As a result, very little water was added to the meat as none was lost in the form of steam.
Meat was dished into large wooden platters, imigwembe or grass mats, and izithebe. The wooden platters were provided with handles on both ends. A number of men helped carry the long platter, which at sometimes was more than a metre long. The pieces were very big. Each person, upon receiving a chunk from his neighbour, took a bite, ukuhlutha, and passed it on to the next person.
The Ndebele society, like other African societies, was group based. It sought to enhance some esprit de corps among its members. This, apparently, is the justification for drinking from the same calabash which was passed from one person to the next-all seated in a circle which symbolised group solidarity and the never ending togetherness.
Roasting of meat was done directly on hot embers. This is why it was important to make use of firewood from trees that were not poisonous. Roasted meat was placed on leaves of trees that were known not to be poisonous. However, the Ndebele knew how to roast large chunks of meat such as a whole thigh on a spit. A long wooden rod was driven through the chunk of meat which was then placed above hot embers. From time to time men turned the meat so that all sides were evenly roasted. Low heat was used by adjusting the distance between the meat and the hot embers. The process was slow in order for the heat to penetrate the deepest parts of the meat. Bon Appetit!




