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Ruth Butaumocho-African Agenda
One wintry morning in 1994, a group of men huddled in a restaurant in Harare, away from the rest of the diners, speaking in low and hushed voices.
As waitresses and bartenders went about their business oblivious of the discussion, the group continued with their meeting, which lasted for hours.
Unknown to many, the meeting between the group was to give birth to a black empowerment pressure group known as the Affirmative Action Group (AAG), a few weeks later.
The decision by Phillip Chiyangwa, Mr Sobuza Gula-Ndebele, the late Peter Pamire and a few other business luminaries to start a pressure group when many had no problem to gullibly follow the heavily ingrained economic laws and policies that favoured the white population was motivated by the need to ensure that the empowerment of black people through an equitable distribution and redistribution and economic resources of Zimbabwe.
The AAG was born out of a desire to see the enactment of policies that promote local businesses.
At the time it was abundantly clear that policies favoured foreigners and whites more than black locals. As Zimbabwe celebrates 42 years of independence from its colonial rule, it is important to introspect on the drudgery journey of black employment that many enjoy today.
Those who started this trajectory, whose names are too numerous to mention, will attest that the black economic empowerment took many twists and turns, but the vision was not lost.
A year after its launch, the AAG announced that in addition to agitate for equal opportunities on black empowerment, the lobby group said it also wanted to be a vanguard of broad based black economic empowerment activities in Zimbabwe, notwithstanding the resistance, which then was coming from the white community.
In order to push and sustain this agenda, what followed years later were a flurry of activities as the AAG, through its different structures and chapters sought to correct the anomaly within the economic sector through massive lobbying for quotas, acquisitions, mergers and buy ins for the good of the black majority.
As it rolled on the trajectory path to empower the black majority with the assistance of Government policies and vehicles such as National Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Board, the AAG pushed an inclusivity policy that also involved women and youth to be torch bearers on black empowerment in Zimbabwe.
Outside agitating for the empowerment of the majority blacks, the AAG took up the role of questioning deals that were not in favour of empowerment and also had an advisory role to organisations that were not playing ball in shaping the aspirations of the people and that of the Government.
At one time in 2010, the AAG challenged the Harare City Council to take action over the mushrooming of small shops around the city.
In giving the advice, the AAG was worried that the construction of the small shops which naturally were to please the whims of businesspeople at the expense of public health and a sense of community, would deface the city.
Harare City Council, blatantly ignored the advice.
More than a decade after spurning the advice, Harare City Council has abandoned the good architecture it was renowned for and has become a “city of small shops”, under its destructive management led by opposition political parties.
However, the municipal’s resistance did not water down AAG’s appetite to push for black empowerment, which was to nurture business magnate such as the late Rodger Boka, who was to mentor and instil good business acumen in her daughter, Rudo .
Years later, a floodgate of black pressure groups were to emerge as it became clear that black empowerment was too big a cake to be left in the hands of the few.
Some of the groups that later emerged after AAG included the Ben Mucheche’s Indigenous Business Development Corporation, Jane Mutasa’s Indigenous Business Women Organisation, and later Paddington Japajapa’s Zimbabwe Indigenous Economic Empowerment Organisation.
Other similar lobby and pressure groups that included Sangano Munhumutapa, the Zimbabwe Economic Empowerment Organisation and Africa Dialogue also emerged because it was now clear that the black economic empowerment trajectory needed a multi-pronged approach if it was to be successful.
With time, the economic empowerment tide proved too powerful for some organisations, which quickly fell under, together with their dreams and aspirations.
The AAG soldiered on, in the midst of tumultuous incidences that almost threatened to rock the boat.
One such incident was the resignation of Supa Mandiwanzira, then AAG president and his group in 2011 in protest over the appointment of Henrietta Rushwaya and Jennifer Mhlanga as co-deputy presidents to ensure a gender balance.
So turbulent was the turmoil that followed that many thought the AAG would go down and under, but that was not to be.
With dissenting voices sounding louder, what with allegations that the group had become an enrichment vehicle of a few, the AAG went back to the drawing board and further consolidated its resolution to continue empowering the black majority.
The Mandiwanzira-led board was to later rescind its decision and resume its duties after ironing their differences with Chiyangwa.
The road to black empowerment has been a bumpy one, with more threats looming as more and more people demanded transparency from lobby pressure groups.
What is heartening is the Government’s commitment towards black empowerment, hence its decision to continue supporting these lobby groups by availing several platforms, resources and enabling policies to ensure that majority of black people are empowered.
However, lobby groups and other like-minded individuals pushing the empowerment agenda should not take this for granted.
The Government expects lobby groups and these individuals to deliver, without engaging in unnecessary brawls and squabbling.
The nation expects committed, unrelenting lobby groups to measure up to the task at hand and ensure that they assist the Government in implementing robust and important policies such as the National Development Strategy 1.
Having shown its capacity to lead the black empowerment agenda, the AAG, with support of the Government, must work on a deliberate and intensive efforts to make sure that all Zimbabweans, outside political affiliations, ethnicity or gender, are demographically represented.
This would include political leadership, business management, public administration, and the industrial sector.
It is considered a matter of national importance that this effort should be embarked upon urgently and with serious commitment.
Empowerment lobby groups still need to do a lot in spreading the wealth, bringing people in the rural areas in the economic fray.
Currently, rural farmers are under siege from middlemen who descend on rural areas during harvest time and buy produce for pittance, the farmers would have toiled the whole season.
Empowerment lobby groups should not be motivated by self-aggrandisement, but should be inspired by the need to serve and ensure that there is equal participation of all, particularly the marginalised groups that included women, youth and the disabled.
Holding positions and being part of such lobby groups is not and can never be an exclusive right of a few and very rich and arrogant persons in our midst, who squeal when they are offloaded to pave way for competent and astute individuals, who are committed to the cause.
It becomes a cause for worry, when the public begins to notice splinter groups manned by people who claim to be imbued by the need to serve.
The vision of black economic empowerment should not be lost to translation, but should be the basis upon which all individuals put aside their personal differences and commit to serve rather than be seized with personal interest that they would rather destroy what is in existence instead of strengthening it.
Such selfishness should not be promoted and entertained at any costs.
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