Vusumuzi Dube
THE public hearings on the proposed Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 3) Bill have drawn hundreds across Matabeleland, from the vending bays of Bulawayo’s Fifth Street to the packed halls of Nketa and the dusty grounds of Tsholotsho. And yes, the headline grabber is Clause 3 and Clause 4: the proposals that Parliament, not the people, could elect the President, and that the presidential term could stretch from five to seven years.
But while national debate fixates on presidential term limits, a far more consequential – and quietly promising – set of changes is slipping through the noise. These are the clauses that no one is talking about, yet they hold the real potential to reshape governance, judicial integrity, and electoral efficiency in Zimbabwe.
Let’s start with Clause 15. Buried deep in the Bill, it proposes simplifying the judicial appointment process by allowing the President to appoint judges in consultation with the Judicial Service Commission (JSC). At first glance, this might sound like a power grab. But listen to Mr Mayibongwe Ncube of Luveve, who attended the Bulawayo hearings on Monday: “This will streamline the process while maintaining professionalism and accountability. It will help ensure that only individuals with integrity, experience and proven legal expertise are appointed to the bench.”
By centring the JSC, the amendment could reduce backroom manoeuvring. The President still appoints, but the JSC’s consultation becomes the gatekeeper. This could actually strengthen public confidence, as the JSC retains its independence.
Then there is Clause 2, which has received almost no airtime. It proposes transferring voter registration responsibilities from the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) back to the Registrar-General’s Office. Mrs Priscilla Tendai Mashave of Mahatshula North put it best: “The Registrar-General already manages national identity records. They have information on who is being born and who is dying. This ensures that once someone turns 18, they are seamlessly added to the roll, while those who have passed on are removed promptly. This leaves ZEC to focus solely on conducting elections.”
Think about that. Under ZEC, voter roll management has been plagued by accusations of ghost names, disenfranchisement, and logistical chaos. The Registrar-General’s office already maintains the civil registry. Merging the two databases is not radical; it is common sense. It could produce a cleaner, more accurate voters’ roll and free ZEC to do what it should be doing: running polling stations, counting votes, and ensuring transparency. That is a governance win, regardless of who sits in State House.
Of course, the elephant in the hall remains Clause 3 and Clause 4. Critics argue that moving to a parliamentary election of the President weakens universal suffrage. Yet as Mr Thando Shambira of Burnside pointed out, “Universal suffrage is exercised when we elect parliamentarians. These representatives act on our behalf and therefore, when they elect the President, they are expressing the will of the people.” South Africa and Botswana use similar systems successfully. The model is not abnormal; it is just different.
And on term length, voices like 22-year-old Mr Godknows Makucheti from Nketa offered a generational perspective often ignored by urban elites: “Five-year presidential terms are too short for any Head of State to bring meaningful change that will benefit the youth. We are suffering from drug abuse and limited business opportunities.” Whether one agrees or not, it is a reminder that poor communities see value in policy continuity – not out of blind loyalty, but out of desperation for any program to outlast an election cycle.
What is striking, however, is the maturity of the discourse. Vendors on Fifth Street closed their stalls to attend. That is not apathy. That is civic hunger. And what they supported was not just presidential power, but cleaner voter rolls, faster judicial appointments, and parliamentary accountability.
The danger is that the term limit debate will drown out everything else. Yes, Clause 3 and Clause 4 deserve more attention. But if Zimbabweans walk away from these hearings having only argued about presidential tenure, they will have missed the quiet revolution hidden in Clauses 2, 15 and many others.
derick.khumalo