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We celebrate together with Mozambicans the attainment of a ceasefire agreement by their Frelimo government and rebel movement, Renamo. Signed on Sunday, the agreement brings an end to a two-year, low-intensity confrontation between the long-time rivals. They have virtually been fighting since 1976, when Renamo refused to be ruled by Frelimo that had won that country’s first democratic elections. Zimbabwe was sucked into the war, fighting on the side of government forces. Peace came in 1992, with Renamo participating in elections and taking up seats in parliament and government. But Frelimo-Renamo relations have always been cold and characterised by mutual suspicion.
The drawn-out suspicion resulted in Renamo leader, Afonso Dhlakama leaving the capital Maputo for his hideout in mountainous Gorongosa from where his militia committed various crimes like sabotage and attacks on police and people’s homes. Dozens were killed and injured since his October 2012 defection and resulting hostilities.
He cited a few grievances for decamping, among them marginalisation of his former military men who were integrated into the army in 1992 and exclusion of his loyalists from influential government positions.
As Renamo and Frelimo forces exchanged fire since 2012, their leaders were engaged in negotiations as well, which culminated in the Sunday peace deal.
The most important term of the agreement is the integration of Renamo’s residual forces into the army and the police, and the collection of all their weapons. Another essential part of that pact is a blanket pardon on elements that perpetrated war crimes over the past two years.
Implementation of the agreement would be monitored by a team of international observers the International Observer Military Team for the Cessation of Military Hostilities. Botswana, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Kenya, Cape Verde, Portugal, Italy, Britain and the United States will send observers to that structure “to observe, monitor and guarantee implementation of the cessation of military hostilities and the start of the subsequent phases, in the terms envisaged in the Memorandum of Understanding”.
We encourage both parties to respect the accord that they reached without foreign interference. It is their agreement that should ensure the security of their people, which is a precondition for socio-economic development of their country.
Insecurity in that country had caused much social challenges particularly in central Mozambique. Economically, the impact of the unrest has not been formally quantified but a coal mining company stopped exports some time last year over security fears and completely disinvested from that country recently.
For us, the key to successful integration is disarmament of Renamo men. This is crucial in the sense that if disaffection sets in again among their ranks, the rebels, many of whom have had careers in the bush, would be unable to fight again.
It is apparent that the Frelimo government failed to disarm them after the 1992 agreement. For that reason, Dhlakama often threatened war before he decamped two years ago. Without arms, he cannot speak war or fight it.
There is no possibility that he would be able to arm himself again next time once he is totally disarmed. None of Mozambique’s neighbours would allow themselves to be used as a route for arms of war into rebel hands. That we can guarantee. Yes there is a possibility Renamo might smuggle them, but we think it would not be in volumes and nature that could be big enough for Renamo to wage a big insurgency.
Therefore, government and the international observer mission have a lot of work to do in disarming the rebels, which would determine the future security of that country, and Sadc as a whole.
“The declaration of the cessation of military hostilities which we’ve just signed is made in the spirit of good faith and represents the will of all of Mozambique’s people to establish peace and harmony in our country,” said Saimone Macuiane, a Renamo negotiator.
His boss must co-operate, going forward.
But there is always that nagging question about Dhlakama. Who trusts him? Many of us don’t. This is why a total surrender of weapons by his militia is most urgent and reassuring.
With elections coming on October 15, and Dhlakama hinting he wants to seek election as president, the pact came at a right time for Mozambique, and him too. He can’t campaign while in hiding and Frelimo can’t campaign in rebel-held zones. People won’t vote freely.
We know in advance that he is losing to Frelimo’s Filipe Nyusi, as he has done against previous ruling party candidates with widening margins in each election since 1992. But he would not lose his status as the leader of the main opposition party.
Dhlakama is known to reject election results, alleging rigging and biased poll management. He cited this grievance as well when he ran to Gorongosa. He must accept defeat, which is sure to come and be prepared to co-operate with Frelimo as a dignified opposition leader.
This time, we demand permanent peace in Mozambique.
Bongani Ndlovu
Online Reporter