admin
Tichaona Zindoga
ZANU-PF’s spokesperson Cde Rugare Gumbo has lately ridden into the storm of the party’s factional fights and, typically, the more he has tried to assert himself for the benefit of his favoured side, the more he has exposed himself. Is there not a truism about how a monkey exposes its bottom the higher it climbs a tree? And today, Cde Gumbo’s credentials are increasingly being called to question, both as a war veteran and as the spokesperson of Zanu-PF.
Never mind that suddenly some well-known counter-revolutionary media columnists want it to stick that Cde Gumbo is a “veteran of the liberation struggle whose credentials . . . are unassailable”.
This is despite the fact that the Zanla forces found him assailable not once but twice, and as shown in the accounts by Cdes Hashim Mbita and Kumbirai Kangai that we reproduce elsewhere in this issue, the man was an inveterate sellout. Things can only get worse for him.
Cde Gumbo’s career has moved in a rather predictable, if unfortunate, trajectory. It will be useful to note that for much of post-independence history, Cde Gumbo has been carrying himself as a measured and diplomatic politician with an aura of quiet demeanor.
He has not been your man for the occasion and limelight, which may have helped rather than impugn him, because it could be the reason why he has been favoured with a modicum of political favour and comfort by his principal, President Mugabe. Ironically a man he hates with a passion which he confessed to as late as Wednesday last week when he confided to one journalist that he hates President Mugabe’s guts and would never forgive him for his imprisonment.
President Mugabe has well succoured Cde Gumbo in his unfortunate post-independent political attempts which have seen him being rejected in his own backyard of Mberengwa for the past 34 years, winning no elections and effectively having no constituency.
The magnanimity of President Mugabe has only made it possible for the nation to have a political entity called Rugare Gumbo today. A less noble treatment would have long consigned Cde Gumbo to the dustbins of history — and for a good cause. His actions prior to independence stand markedly against him, having been found wanting and arrested not only once, but twice by the Zanla liberation army. In 1979, Cde Gumbo had only the British to thank for his release, as the British appeared to have other motives in playing liberators against each other and significantly weaken Zanu ahead of national independence, which the party would be the main custodian. History will record that Rugare Gumbo would appear to play to the British scheme, shamefully refusing the olive branch from Zanla and ensconcing himself with the British and later finding himself with the losing cause of Ndabaningi Sithole and his Zanu-Ndonga.
That Cde Gumbo aligned himself with Sithole is in itself telling, both as Cde Gumbo’s poor judgment of public mood and his deeper hatred of revolutionary thrust: he always seemed to choose rent with, and in, counter-revolutionary politics.
His serial interviews with the Rhodesia Herald in January 1980, which apart from being understood in the context of the bitterness of the time, served to de-campaign President Mugabe and his party ahead of the watershed elections in March that year.
Yet history and circumstance became sympathetic to him, landing two ministerial posts in post-independent Zimbabwe, among other top placements. Fast forward to 2014 it would seem Gumbo’s old habits are seemingly back. It is called atavism.
In light of the succession debacle that has currently seized the revolutionary party, Cde Gumbo has chosen to work with a group of people seeking to undermine and unseat President Mugabe, working with the old western enemies such as the United States of America. (The US beginning with the efforts of Henry Kissinger from as early as 1976, had sought to create a soft landing for white and corporate interests by identifying, and working with moderate black leaders.)
There are more than enough indications that this is taking place today in the context of what is often called the “post-Mugabe” scenarios.
On one hand are the so-called hardliners and on the other are “moderates” who, even in recent times, have shown willingness to work with opposition and the western interests they front.
They have also shown to be rent-seeking, corruptible individuals who, perhaps weary of the onslaught that this country has been subjected to by western countries, seem to appear to give up and open up to collaboration with the enemy.
It is in this context that there has been talk of plans to destroy Zanu-PF from within. Truly, and interestingly, this phenomenon has been latched onto by competing factions with each accusing the other of the vile intention.
The accusation is so expedient.
It will be instructive, as a way to find out who really is behind the plans, to prod this phenomenon of seeking to destroy Zanu-PF from within.
Which leader, for example, or faction, has shown itself to be amenable to, or acceptable by, the opposition in this country? October 28, the day of the official opening of the second session of the Eighth Parliament of Zimbabwe provides part of the answer.
As do private and opposition-linked media story slants and editorials.
In the last elections who, in Zanu-PF, resisted calls for elections and sought to linger longer in bed with the opposition? And previously, who stood to benefit from “bhora musango”, which would upset President Mugabe and pave way for an inclusive Government of Zanu-PF moderates and the opposition MDC? It has already been revealed who was behind the creation of the Mavambo-Kusile-Dawn project. The recent past is fast catching up with Zanu-PF and none other than the person of the Vice President Joice Mujuru, herself a beneficiary of President Mugabe’s magnanimity for the past 34 years, has been fingered in all these shenanigans. She may have found a useful ally in Cde Gumbo who has lately decided to be the spokesperson of her faction rather than the party.
And Cde Gumbo, probably motivated by all manner of intentions ranging from lingering hatred for President Mugabe to eyeing something substantial in a Joice Mujuru led “post-Mugabe” era, has decided to throw caution, and all niceties of office, to the wind.
He misrepresents the deliberations of the Politburo, Zanu-PF’s highest decision-making body outside congress, and proffers his own and his own faction’s views. He misleads the country on the source of threat that Zanu-PF faces: deflecting it from the real and substantial threats posed by corrupt, corruptible and rent-seeking officials who meet Americans in the dead of the night.
Cde Gumbo, who for a long time admirably played cards close to his chest, is probably seeing himself as a king-maker (or is it queen-maker) in Zanu-PF. That he is doing it at this point in the country’s history is both unfortunate and ill-conceived.
He is wrong in at least two ways: first, that he has to carry his hatred for and treachery of, President Mugabe thus far; and that he seems to underestimate the power of the Zanu-PF leader.
Lastly, Cde Gumbo perhaps thinks that President Mugabe owes him something. It is a view that is being entertained, one can observe, by some others in the party, not least VP Mujuru herself.
They may yet be disappointed because President Mugabe owes his allegiance more to the revolution and the people of Zimbabwe and is actually the one who is being owed by politicians that he catapulted from everything from illiteracy and irrelevance.
President Mugabe has been deploying these people according to their talents and his need and when times comes he may choose to do away with them especially in a season where these same people hold ambitions and plots that run counter to his designs and plans.
The President’s faith in human nature is legendary, because expecting patriotism in Rugare Gumbo it was akin to expecting honey from a fly.
Kangai, Mbita on Rugare Gumbo’s treachery
Cde Kumbirai Kangai (KK) speaking to The Sunday Mail (SM), November 2012.
SM: After ceasefire, we hear that you were given new tasks. Tell us more about this?
KK: Sheba Gava (Gen Vitalis Zvinavashe) was given a special taskforce which was on standby that if we who had come into the country were in trouble, they would come. On 27 January 1980, there was a big rally at Zimbabwe Grounds so I came with the President and Vice President. After the rally the following morning, I went back to Mozambique. There I had the responsibility of releasing two white captives. I also had to release these people who had been sent (detained) to (an) island. It was now not only the people from the Vashandi group. There was another revolt which took place and the people were arrested and sent to the same island.
SM: This revolt you are now talking about, when did it happen?
KK: It happened in 1978.
SM: And who are the people who were leading this group that revolted in 1978?
KK: Some comrades that we really trusted. Some of this information is better published when some of us are gone. Do you give me that guarantee?
SM: Yes, comrade.
KK: Among the leaders of this group was Rugare Gumbo, the party’s spokesperson now.
SM: What had happened? I mean what led to this revolt?
KK: Well, I wouldn’t know what their grievances were but Gumbo and these people decided to organise a revolt which fortunately didn’t succeed and so they were arrested by Zanu led by Rex Nhongo (Gen Solomon Mujuru).
I was at the Malta talks with (Gen Josiah) Tongogara, Cde Mugabe and a few others. While we were there in Malta, the revolt took place.
When we got back that’s when we were told that there was a revolt and Gumbo, a comrade we trusted, was among the organisers of this revolt. Some were surprised but personally I wasn’t surprised. I knew Gumbo (for) a long time and I knew his views about the struggle and his views on the leadership of the party.
So I went back to Mozambique, went back to Beira and they were brought by the Mozambicans. I said to these comrades, “Comrades, zvakaitika muhondo ndezve muhondo. Now we are in ceasefire. We want to go for elections. Let’s forget about what happened during the war. (Pause) I really had a tough time.
SM: A tough time from who?
KK: From the comrades, including Gumbo, can you imagine? They asked; “You want us to go and campaign for you? You arrested us, now you want to use us for your campaigns. No, no. We won’t do that.” I only got four comrades who agreed to go with me and said we will go with the party. All the other comrades refused to go with me. Even Gumbo who was once a member of Dare ReChimurenga refused to go with me. They remained with the British.
Then I went to Maputo. The two white captives were brought there. I called a Press conference. The British Ambassador was there and I said, “Here are your people”. The two captives were so happy.
SM: They had been in captivity for how long?
KK: One year and the other one year and a half.
SM: Cde Kangai, let me get something straight here. These comrades who were on this island who refused to go with you; when you say you left them with the British, what exactly do you mean?
KK: They chose to remain in the hands of the British, Gumbo included. It really pained me that such a high-ranking comrade was betraying the struggle in such a way. The British were responsible for bringing them back home here.
Ordinarily, I should have been the one who brought them back home because they were comrades from Zanu, but I only got four that I arranged transport for. Up to this day, I have never bothered to ask Gumbo why he did what he did.
Please don’t publish this. It will cause unnecessary friction in the party as we go for elections . . . After making arrangements for these four, the next day I came back home.
(Rtd) Brig-Gen Mbita (HM) speaking to The Sunday Mail (SM) in April 2014***
SM: What led to the Mgagao Declaration?
HM: Partly it was differences between political leaders, partly because of mistrust between cadres and the party’s leadership. I remember there was one person, ehh, what is Gumbo doing now? . . . eeh, Rugare Gumbo! I think he was returning from Canada then. So about twice, because of the information I was getting, I off loaded him from a ship that was going to Beira. When I was told Gumbo was there, I knew there was not going to be peace where he was going.
SM: Why?
HM: Why? Because he was not peaceful. He was a politician. His political line did not convince me that he was going to make peace there.
SM: What had he done which convinced you that he was to cause trouble?
HM: I don’t have to tell you that . . .
SM: But as the young generation it would be good we know . . .
HM: You will learn when I am not there. — Sunday Mail
Online Reporter