Online Reporter
Richard Muponde
Zimpapers Politics Hub
THE Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit, which ended on August 25, 2025 in Tianjin, China, marked a pivotal moment in the reconfiguration of the global order.
At the summit, China, led by President Xi Jinping and Russia, under President Vladimir Putin, reaffirmed their strong determination to position the SCO as a credible alternative to the Western-led security and economic architecture dominated by NATO and the United States.
The Tianjin Declaration, a powerful statement of the bloc’s principles, was adopted.
It strongly condemned terrorism, unilateral sanctions and the weaponisation of trade, underscoring the SCO’s commitment to a multipolar world order based on equality, respect for sovereignty and multilateralism.
In his opening remarks, President Xi Jinping criticised “bullying behaviour” in international relations and urged member states to “reject Cold War mentalities, bloc confrontations and the arrogance of unilateralism,” a thinly veiled reference to the United States and its allies.
One of the most pressing issues at the summit was the destabilising impact of US tariffs and sanctions, particularly those initiated under President Donald Trump and since expanded.
These measures have galvanised the Global South, including SCO members, to unite and protect themselves from the effects of US trade wars.
The Tianjin Declaration firmly opposed “unilateral coercive measures, including those of an economic nature,” reinforcing a shared resolve to resist Western economic pressure.
President Putin took this a step further, proposing the issuance of SCO joint bonds and the creation of a joint payment system that would bypass the dollar and euro.
He described this as necessary to “protect our economies from fluctuations in the external environment”.
If realised, this ambitious initiative would deepen South-South economic cooperation and significantly weaken the West’s financial dominance.
Security cooperation also took centre stage.
SCO members pledged closer collaboration through agreements such as the SCO Anti-Drug Centre, the Universal Centre for Countering Security Challenges and reinforced commitments to the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS).
This expansion of security infrastructure directly rivals NATO, which has often been accused of fomenting instability under the guise of defending democracy.
The SCO framed terrorism as a global threat, but also criticised the use of terrorist groups by major powers for “mercenary purposes”.
This was evident in the strong condemnation of the Pahalgam attack and other recent terrorist incidents in Pakistan, as well as the declaration’s insistence on the inadmissibility of cross-border terrorist movements.
The bloc also addressed the war in Ukraine by implicitly blaming the West for prolonging the conflict through NATO expansion and militarisation.
Against this backdrop of geopolitical turbulence, President Jinping’s assertion that the SCO has become a guardian of fairness and justice in global affairs resonated deeply.
His pledge of two billion yuan in grants and 10 billion yuan in loans to SCO partners reflected China’s strategy of using its economic muscle to foster deeper integration in the Global South.
Trade between China and SCO members already exceeds US$2,3 trillion, and Chinese investments have surpassed US$84 billion.
In a powerful contrast to NATO’s reliance on military coercion, China has tied the SCO’s future to its Belt and Road Initiative, pledging expanded infrastructure, digital development, and green energy cooperation.
Russia, facing unprecedented Western sanctions following its invasion of Ukraine, has also turned to the SCO as a critical vehicle for survival and global influence.
President Putin emphasised the importance of creating a “bank of joint investment projects” and building financial structures independent of the West.
He argued that the SCO’s growing economic power, with average growth rates of five percent across its economies, can shield members from the West’s use of sanctions as a geopolitical weapon.
This reflects a larger strategy by Russia and China to leverage both the SCO and BRICS to undermine the economic hegemony of the United States and its allies.
The SCO summit also delved into global crises such as the war in Gaza, condemning Israeli and US strikes on Iran and highlighting the catastrophic humanitarian toll on Palestinian civilians.
This unified stance contrasted sharply with the West’s selective application of human rights and international law.
Similarly, members reiterated that Afghanistan requires an “inclusive government” to achieve stability, reflecting the SCO’s security preoccupation with Central Asia.
These positions strengthen the SCO’s credibility as a platform for collective security that respects sovereignty, in stark contrast to NATO’s interventionist legacy.
For Africa, the SCO presents a golden opportunity to forge genuine partnerships free from the exploitative and coercive practices that have characterised Western engagement.
African countries, including Zimbabwe, have endured decades of sanctions and economic isolation for policies that challenged Western dominance, such as Zimbabwe’s land reform programme that redistributed land from 4 500 white farmers to millions of indigenous citizens.
These sanctions, often justified under the guise of promoting democracy, exemplify the punitive approach of the West toward nations that defy its dictates.
The SCO, with its principles of non-interference and mutual benefit, could become a lifeline for Africa by offering investment, technology, and security cooperation while respecting sovereignty.
To counter Western sanctions and resource exploitation, SCO members should prioritise expanding trade and investment partnerships with Africa, particularly in energy, mining, and agriculture.
Establishing mechanisms for currency swaps and local currency trade would insulate these relationships from Western financial institutions.
The Tianjin Declaration’s opposition to unilateralism and its emphasis on sustainable energy, digital cooperation and innovation represent a strategic blueprint for an alternative world order.
Yet, for the SCO to fully counterbalance NATO and US hegemony, its members must deepen practical cooperation and avoid divisions that could be exploited by the West, such as the lingering tensions between India and Pakistan.
Unity is the SCO’s strongest weapon in the face of Western fragmentation tactics.
Moreover, the bloc should institutionalise its financial proposals by swiftly establishing the SCO Development Bank and a joint payment system to consolidate economic sovereignty.
The SCO’s evolution from a regional security platform in 2001 to a global coalition representing over half of humanity shows that it has matured into a credible counterweight to the Western-led world order.
By embracing South-South cooperation and resisting bullying, the SCO offers an alternative path for global governance rooted in fairness, equality, and mutual respect.
As President Jinping declared: “The current international situation is becoming increasingly chaotic and intertwined . . . we must continue to forge ahead and enhance the functions of the organisation.”
If the SCO consolidates its economic, security, and political initiatives, it could indeed become the cornerstone of a new multipolar world order.
dyton mupawaenda