dyton mupawaenda
Gibson Nyikadzino
Zimpapers Politics Hub
WOMEN undertook a variety of challenging tasks throughout Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle, from the late 1960s to Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980.
Despite post-independence initiatives to promote gender equity following the liberation fight, women ex-combatants have not been able to have equal access to restitution compared to men.
One of the major reasons is that, traditionally, society has not been able to fully recognise women as a distinct social category in pre-independence and post-independence policies regarding their inclusion in all sectors of socio-economic and political narratives.
There are patriarchal norms, values and mores that have defined and designated how women should be viewed in society, even when they have been instrumental in modernity, independence and social advancement.
It would be valid to say that women have been or are fighting a struggle within a struggle, in which they have been or are struggling for inclusion and recognition in the nationalist movement and beyond.
It can be said that the exclusion of women was not only a product of the colonial and racist regime through the legislation of unjust laws, but also within the liberation movement, which at times created a hierarchical order that limited access to equal opportunities for women combatants.
For example, the Lancaster House discussions in 1979 focused on restitution for ex-combatants in general, but did not consider women and their unique experiences during the liberation struggle and in the post-independence context.
Also, what should not be overlooked is the outlook of the bodies that executed the war. For instance, the Dare reChimurenga (War Council) largely designated and constituted to exclude women from participating actively in the decision and strategic necessities in the execution of the war.
It was rare to find women’s voices in that council as it appeared they were prohibited from having a seat in the dare (council).
Even in the battles that were fought, like the decisive 1979 Battle of Mavhonde when the Rhodesian Security Forces launched a ground and air offensive against the ZANLA Military Headquarters in Mozambique, the heroic participation of women has not been fully told as male combatants are given much prominence.
Even historians and biographers have tended to turn a blind eye on unearthing the heroism of women in the theatre of war in the struggle of Zimbabwe’s independence from the clutches of colonialism.
This is so because, by nature, conventional wars and liberation struggles have been framed as a masculine business or sport that has no room for femininity. Yet, in that business, the role of women is also seen to be key.
Therefore, the centrality of women’s sacrifices during Zimbabwe’s anti-colonial liberation struggle as both combatants and non-combatants remains a key theme in the documentation of their contributions to the country’s independence. Their relevance to the economic developments in modern Zimbabwe is worth their full recognition.
Informing their motivations to join the struggle were consequences of their situation during colonialism and the gradual exclusion they faced in the economic and social sectors in the then Rhodesia. The oppression of women has historically been instrumental to the development of capitalist consciousness, and therefore, their oppression during colonialism raised their political awareness to fight for their freedom and the rest of others.
It is undeniable that the goal of fighting the colonial establishment was to ensure equality among Zimbabweans, hence the call to put regulatory mechanisms that advance the rights of women, their social, political and economic stature in Zimbabwe should be given relevance.
Since independence in 1980, Government has publicly recognised the role of women in the liberation struggle through the adoption and ratification of international conventions and enacting legislation that protects the rights of women and their empowerment.
Progress made so far in this regard is commendable; however, at societal and institutional levels, there should be deliberate policies and mechanisms that quickly address the challenges that women are exclusively encountering.
In the Second Republic, gender (masculinity and femininity) must not be used or manipulated to legitimate scenarios that make one group superior to the other as all Zimbabweans are equal citizens who should enjoy the sacred rewards and benefits of the liberation struggle as constitutionally prescribed.
Women ex-combatants and non-combatants will always play an important part in all of the fights we will fight to liberate ourselves from the various shackles of neocolonialism as their contribution to the construction of a new society with modern realities. They should not be defiled in any way, nor should they be sacrificed on the altar of prosperity of a system of lies and plunder.
They will forever be involved in every area of the nation’s overall organisation, from project creation to decision-making and implementation. The ultimate goal of such vast undertakings should be seen through the creation of a free and prosperous society in which women and men are treated equally in all aspects.
For women just as they took the initiative to fight the liberation struggle with guns for political independence, they should also take the initiative to put forward their demands and mobilise people to canvass support to win their economic goals.
It is through this way that women, with the help of all, can break barriers in politics to revolutionise industries and continue to challenge and redefine societal norms in powerful and transformative ways. Many women have become influential figures in shaping policies, driving innovation, and contributing to social change.
If women are not given a seat at the table, they are not hesitant to one day bring with them folding chairs to the table and give a new dimension to the Chimurenga (revolutionary struggle) lexicon, as She-murenga, a revolutionary struggle initiated, fought and won by women.
Online Reporter