Era of urban opposition support may be ending

Innocent Mujeri

FOR over two decades, Zimbabwe’s urban centres, particularly Harare and Bulawayo, were considered opposition strongholds, with the MDC and later the CCC enjoying near-total dominance.

Rural areas, on the other hand, remained firmly under ZANU PF’s grip, creating a stark political divide.

However, recent political shifts suggest a dramatic realignment.

ZANU PF’s decisive victory in Glen View South, a constituency held by the opposition since early 2000, is not an isolated event, but part of a broader trend signalling the ruling party’s resurgence in urban areas while maintaining its rural stronghold.

The Glen View South by-election result is a microcosm of a larger political transformation. The opposition’s two-decade control was shattered as ZANU PF’s Tsitsi Tawomhera secured a convincing win with 3 392 votes against fragmented challengers.

This victory did not come by chance – it reflects a growing disillusionment with opposition governance, particularly in urban councils.

For years, opposition-run municipalities have been plagued by corruption, crumbling infrastructure, and erratic service delivery.

Residents in Harare, Bulawayo, and other cities have endured water shortages, uncollected garbage, and deteriorating roads, all under the watch of opposition mayors and councillors.

ZANU PF has capitalised on this frustration by positioning itself as the party of solutions. The ruling party’s campaign in Glen View South focused on tangible development – promising better housing, improved sanitation, and job creation.

This practical approach, coupled with President Mnangagwa’s national development agenda under the mantra “leaving no one and no place behind”, is resonating with urban voters who feel abandoned by opposition leaders who are more interested in political grandstanding than governance.

President Mnangagwa’s administration has made deliberate efforts to reconnect with urban voters, traditionally sceptical of ZANU PF.

Key to this strategy has been the implementation of visible infrastructure projects, such as road rehabilitation, water and sanitation upgrades, and the construction of clinics and schools.

The Emergency Road Rehabilitation Programme (ERRP), for instance, has seen major highways and urban roads refurbished, directly addressing a long-standing grievance of city dwellers.

Additionally, Government’s focus on youth empowerment and women’s representation has broadened ZANU PF’s appeal.

The selection of Tsitsi Tawomhera, a female candidate, to contest Glen View South was strategic – it reinforced the party’s commitment to gender inclusivity, while countering the opposition’s narrative that ZANU PF is a male-dominated, outdated institution.

Young people, who once formed the backbone of opposition support, are increasingly being drawn to ZANU PF by economic empowerment programmes, including vocational training and access to SME funding.

While ZANU PF has been methodical in its urban expansion, the opposition has been its own worst enemy. Internal fractures, lack of clear ideology, and failure to provide viable local governance have eroded public trust.

The CCC, in particular, has been plagued by leadership squabbles and inconsistent policies, leaving voters confused and disillusioned. In contrast, ZANU PF has maintained a disciplined, unified front, with a clear message centred on development and stability.

Moreover, the opposition’s over-reliance on anti-ZANU PF rhetoric – without offering concrete alternatives – has grown stale.

Urban voters, especially the youth, are no longer moved by slogans alone; they want jobs, infrastructure, and accountability. ZANU PF’s ability to adapt its messaging to address these demands has given it an                                                                          edge.

ZANU PF’s rural support has never been in serious doubt. The party’s land reform legacy, agricultural support programmes, and traditional leadership networks ensure deep-rooted loyalty.

However, the fact that it is now making inroads into urban areas suggests a potential political realignment. If this trend continues, Zimbabwe could see a return to one-party dominance, not through coercion, but through perceived competence and responsive governance.

The Glen View South victory is more than just a by-election win, it is a sign of ZANU PF’s evolving political strategy and the opposition’s declining relevance. As urban voters increasingly prioritise service delivery over partisan loyalty, ZANU PF’s development-focused agenda is gaining traction.

Meanwhile, the opposition’s failure to govern effectively at the local level has left it vulnerable.

If ZANU PF sustains this momentum, the 2028 elections could mark a definitive shift in Zimbabwe’s political landscape, with the ruling party reasserting itself as the dominant force in both rural and urban                      areas.

For the opposition, the lesson is clear: without credible leadership and tangible results, their urban strongholds will continue to crumble.

For ZANU PF, the challenge will be to deliver on its promises – because today’s hopeful voters could quickly become tomorrow’s disillusioned critics if progress stalls.

The era of predictable urban opposition support may be ending.

Zimbabwean politics is entering a new phase, and ZANU PF is positioning itself as the party of choice for all.