Online Reporter
Richard Muponde
Zimpapers Politics Hub
As Tanzanians head to the polls today, one fact is indisputable: the ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi, stands on the threshold of extending its uninterrupted rule to 69 years.
Born out of the liberation struggles led by the late Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, the party remains Africa’s longest-serving political movement and an enduring symbol of self-determination and Pan-African solidarity.
Despite the trappings of multiparty democracy, Tanzania’s 2025 election appears almost predetermined.
President Samia Suluhu Hassan, the country’s first female leader and a symbol of quiet resilience, is poised for a landslide victory that will reaffirm the centrality of liberation parties in Africa’s political DNA.
CCM’s strength lies not merely in its history but in its ideology — a deeply rooted belief in national sovereignty, economic independence and people-centred development.
The ethos of Ujamaa (African socialism) championed by the late President Nyerere has outlived political transitions, embedding itself in Tanzania’s social and political culture.
While critics accuse the ruling party of entrenching dominance, many Tanzanians, especially the youth, see in CCM the torch-bearer of authentic African identity. With a population of 68 million, the majority of whom are under 35, Tanzania’s youth are rediscovering the ideological pride of their founding father.
The revival of Ujamaa principles, now aligned with President Hassan’s “work and dignity” campaign message, has rekindled national self-belief. This mirrors the “Nyika Inovakwa neVene Vayo/Ilizwe Lakhiwa Ngabanikazi Balo” philosophy in Zimbabwe under President Mnangagwa and the Second Republic, which similarly emphasises indigenous-driven development as the pathway to Vision 2030.
Across Southern Africa, former liberation movements are awakening to the realisation that their historical mission — freedom, sovereignty and self-reliance — remains unfinished.
Analysts note that CCM enters the polls “virtually unchallenged.” Opposition parties, notably Chadema and ACT-Wazalendo, have been sidelined through legal disqualifications and internal fragmentation.
As Mr Nicodemus Minde of the Institute for Security Studies observed in The Washington Post, “CCM heads to the polls virtually unchallenged.” Media in that country say that for the first time since the reintroduction of multiparty democracy in 1992, Tanzania’s election proceeds without the main opposition contenders.
Mr Tundu Lissu of Chadema is incarcerated on treason charges, while Luhaga Mpina of ACT-Wazalendo has been disqualified by the electoral body for electoral deficiencies.
Although this has triggered Western criticism over democratic space, on the ground the ruling party’s popularity remains robust. CCM’s deep rural networks, liberation legacy and Pan-African message of self-determination have resonated powerfully with the people, especially with the youth.
As political analyst Luqman Maloto told Deutsche Welle: “Looking at the campaign scenes, some of these parties aren’t even capable of holding rallies. It’s as if CCM is going unopposed.”
This has largely been attributed to financial bankruptcy, largely due to the withdrawal of US funds to opposition parties and civil society NGOs in Africa by President Donald Trump upon assuming power in January this year.
Tanzania’s political trajectory cannot be separated from the wider Southern African context, where Former Liberation Movements of Southern Africa (FLMSA) have faced sustained neo-colonial campaigns to dislodge them from power.
Western capitals, unable to impose economic dominance through direct rule, have sought to influence Africa’s governance through funding opposition parties and civil society groups under the guise of “democracy promotion.”
Zimbabwe’s ZANU PF, South Africa’s ANC, Namibia’s SWAPO and Mozambique’s FRELIMO have all faced similar external pressures.
The Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act (ZIDERA) of 2001, for instance, was designed to weaken a liberation Government in Zimbabwe that dared to reclaim land from colonial settlers.
Tanzania’s steadfastness under President Hassan and CCM thus represents a broader continental resistance, a rejection of externally sponsored regime change and a reaffirmation that African nations will not be lectured on democracy by former colonisers.
Perhaps the most profound lesson from the Tanzanian experience is the awakening of the youth. Once dismissed as apathetic or susceptible to foreign influence, the younger generation is now rallying behind Pan-African values.
They are inspired not by external promises of aid or liberal democracy but by tangible examples of national ownership of resources, education and cultural pride.
The FLMSA, comprising CCM, ZANU PF, ANC, SWAPO, FRELIMO and MPLA, have much to learn from Tanzania’s endurance. CCM’s strength lies in its ability to evolve without abandoning its ideological foundation.
Other liberation movements can draw several key lessons from CCM’s impending victory, primarily concerning ideological alignment, political vigilance and continental unity.
Firstly, there is a critical need to re-ideologise the youth, ensuring that ideological training returns to the centre of party structures.
The youth must be made to understand the liberation struggle’s purpose far beyond mere slogans, instilling a deep sense of national mission and historical context.
Secondly, liberation movements must remain vigilant and actively guard against neo-liberal capture. This phenomenon often sees foreign-funded NGOs and opposition parties acting as Trojan horses for recolonisation.
To counter this, the Frontline Liberation Movement States Association (FLMSA) must actively work to strengthen economic independence and promote robust media literacy among its citizens, thus insulating the populace from undue external influence.
Finally, the principle of Pan-African Solidarity must be relentlessly pursued.
The liberation movements must commit to speaking with one unified voice when defending national sovereignty, promoting robust intra-African trade and unequivocally opposing Western sanctions and unilateral coercive measures that are often used to punish independent states for pursuing their own national interests.
President Hassan’s projected victory sends an unmistakable message across Africa: liberation ideals are not relics of the past but living doctrines guiding the continent’s sovereignty.
Her continuity of the late President Magufuli’s Pan-African stance, including his pioneering of SADC Anti-Sanctions Day in solidarity with Zimbabwe, reinforces the shared destiny of African nations.
As political analyst Richard Mbunda of the University of Dar es Salaam cautioned in The Post, “There are clear signs of unrest, but the tone of reconciliation being spoken about during campaigns should be strengthened.”
President Hassan has indeed campaigned on reconciliation, unity and productivity, themes that mirror her commitment to inclusive nationalism.
The triumph of Chama Cha Mapinduzi is not merely a Tanzanian event; it is a continental statement that Africa’s liberation movements are not relics of history but custodians of the continent’s freedom. Tanzania’s election is a reaffirmation of a people’s faith in themselves, their history and their future.
