institutions, especially cultural ones, are still using outdated Rhodesian colonial policies and Acts of Parliament, especially those pertaining to the arts and humanities are still being adhered to today.
The Rhodesian cultural discourse was one of domination and power. At its most extreme it specialised in a process of exclusion and cultural apartheid by which the regime discriminated and isolated its African nationalist opponents and their indigenous cultural beliefs and valorised its own exclusionist, supremacist authority.
It is important to raise these issues when reconstructing a new arts policy for an independent, post-colonial Zimbabwe.
Another anomaly is that in terms of governance today, the arts and culture sector falls under the Ministry of Education, Sport, Arts and Culture.
This does not take into cognisance the importance of art and culture as an entity that promotes and defines our identity as Zimbabweans.
As such, it is pertinent that arts and cultural practitioners create a common platform for the formulation, review and implementation of a new Indigenous National Cultural Policy.
As with many former colonised African countries, Zimbabwe is signatory to a number of International Standard Setting instruments including in the field of arts and culture such as the “Unesco Convention for Culture” — albeit without fully understanding their significance, and/or implementations and its resultant effects on the creative industries.
The constitution must provide for the automatic domestication of international instruments and regional instruments and treaties signed by Zimbabwe that protect and promote the welfare of art, artists and cultural groups.
Some of these instruments include:
l The International Covenant on economic social and cultural rights 1966;
l The African Charter on Human and People’s Rights. These are civil, political, cultural, environmental and social rights.
Colonial Acts drawn up in the mid-1970s, were last amended or revised in 1980, and as late as 1990. These have not taken cognisance of:
l the new Indigenisation Act
l its implication to the Arts and culture;
l The constitution of boards and liability of members;
l The constraints and limitations brought about by the applications of out-dated acts;
l The private externalisation and sales of national art works and cultural artefacts;
l Transparency;
l Commissions of public art;
l The interaction between the cultural institutions and print and electronic Media;
l Cultural tourism and its impact on the creative industries;
l The protection of rare cultural artefacts from illegal art trade.
These acts have not been reviewed and amended to accommodate the many changes that have taken place in the cultural sectors across the world and the concerns and aspirations of those working in the arts and culture sectors and those who wish to invest in it.
Neither have the demands and benefits of implementing the Unesco Conventions and other instruments that the country has ratified been brought forward for debate and discussion to the concerned parties.
Several Acts such as the “National Gallery of Zimbabwe Acts” 76/1971, 29/1990, the “National Arts Council Act”, and “Censorship Act” need to be reviewed and amended in line with the new Indigenisation Act.
The interpretation of the National Gallery of Zimbabwe Act limits its definition of works of art to outdated media, which has since progressed to include cyber imagery, digital art, installations, happenings and other forms of African artistic expressions hitherto unknown when the Act was implemented.
Questions of ownership of artworks and restitution are also dubious and unchartered for in the current Acts, as well as questions of copyright ownership and intellectual property rights.
Colonial power was authoritarian and based on political, agrarian, economical, racial, cultural and religious discrimination.
Indigenous Africans had no say in the administration of the country, or in the formation of the constitution.
Art and cultural constitutions in these entities were under authoritarian governance and without limitations of executive power.
Directors of arts and cultural institutions which are believed to be the stronghold of African intelligence and creativity were run by autonomous boards of directors who were not accountable to the nation nor to the people they served.
Hence institutions such as the National Gallery of Zimbabwe and the National Arts Foundation in the mid-1980s (now the National Arts Council), were the preserve of a colonial elite.
The same paradigm and institutional discrepancies and unaccountability are still perpetuated today, despite the changes in the governing hue.
The annual reports of national arts institutions, such as the National Art Gallery, were privy to an exclusive, elite group of Rhodesians; they were barred from public scrutiny and consumption. Similarly, national consultations on acquisitions, exhibitions, sales and commissions were not carried out with the tax-paying public’s approval, let alone by a panel of art experts by way of a quorum.
This impropriety has not only been extended to the present day, but also fortified.
It is time that Zimbabweans acknowledge that a true artist is someone who is especially sensitive to the environment — at physical, intellectual, spiritual and psychological levels.
It is out of the need to make sense of that environment that he or she creates.
Since no one art form is adequate to express this, the artist embarks on an endless search for a better way of expressing ideas about life, as expressed in society and within the artists’ constitutional make-up.
The artists’ most meaningful creations are meant for contemplation, appreciation, re-orientation, education, and the training of sensibilities. Cultural achievements are thus aesthetic, intellectual, educational, edifying and civilising of a nation.
Art within the context of national liberation and indigenisation can act as a mobiliser, educator and recorder of the socio-cultural dogma which gave it birth.
However, ultimately a good work of art will outgrow the socio-historical and political peculiarities which gave it birth, just as the statues of Cecil John Rhodes, David Livingstone and other colonial settler monuments have ceased to be perceived as great symbols of colonial and former imperial grandeur but rather as symbols of oppression and self-enrichment.
It is therefore essential to periodically re-visit, re-examine and update cultural policy and their definitions before they become redundant to African contemporaneity.
At a time when digital technology is transforming the way we make, distribute, receive and exchange art it would be absurd to define excellence in the language of the conventional art forms.
Art forms are continuously morphing, combining and reinventing themselves in entity, form, material, context and definition.
To be relevant in the contemporary world any definition of cultural policies has to find room for participation in its chronological contemporaneity as well as within classical and traditional notions of African art creation.
In conclusion, to be holistically effective in the educational, social, cultural and economic sectors of the nation, the arts and culture sectors should advocate for the setting up of an autonomous Ministry of Arts and Culture.
National policy debate around these issues will benefit the art and culture of Zimbabwe and strengthen dialogue and interaction between artists, art institutions, the associations, and other interested parties operating in the arts and cultural sector. Such debate will contribute to the public advocacy required to revise and amend the outdated pieces of colonial legislation and policies governing arts and humanities in Zimbabwe.
l Dr Tony Monda holds a PhD in Post-Modern Art Theory and a Doctorate in Business Administration (DBA) in Post-Colonial Art and Heritage Studies. He is also a practising artist, designer, art critic and corporate image consultant. He has studied Art and Law Advocacy at Georgetown University, Washington, DC.



