admin
Simon Allison Correspondent
On Wednesday morning, President Jacob Zuma welcomed his Zimbabwean counterpart President Robert Mugabe to South Africa in a typically lavish ceremony in Pretoria (even if the threat of rain dampened the pomp somewhat).
This was only Mugabe’s second state visit to South Africa, even though Zimbabwe’s long-serving president was one of the first heads of state to make the trip to the new South Africa in 1994.
Not that Mugabe is a stranger to these shores. He is here regularly for state ceremonies and regional meetings, such as President Jacob Zuma’s inauguration last year, where he received a rousing reception from the assembled dignitaries. But this visit is different: this one was all about Mugabe.
Several things have changed for Zimbabwe to make this visit possible. After his credible election victory in 2013, Mugabe has legitimacy as president. It’s clear that despite the flaws in the vote, a majority of Zimbabweans still chose Mugabe at the ballot box (and now that opposition has imploded, leaving Mugabe’s reign uncontested). This election, largely peaceful, buried the ghosts of the post-election violence in 2008.
To top it off, in February Mugabe was named as chairperson of the African Union — an accolade which represented, for Mugabe, a vindication by his peers of his vehement anti-west policies. At the imposing Union Buildings in South Africa’s capital, Mugabe was in imperious form as he appeared with Zuma to oversee the signing of various agreements and memoranda of understanding.
The agreements, however, were less important than the symbolism: in extending an official invitation to Mugabe, and affording him every respect that South Africa can offer, Zuma is telling the world that Zimbabwe’s isolation is officially over. Mugabe is a pariah no more. “Let me once again thank you for accepting and honouring my invitation,” said Zuma at the press conference which followed, referring to Mugabe as “my dear brother”. This endearment was not reciprocated by Mugabe. Standing next to the nonagenarian, Zuma looked young and sprightly, but it was still Mugabe who stole the show with a long, largely unscripted lecture that poked fun at both himself and the journalists in front of him. For Mugabe, this was clearly an opportunity to set the record straight. “I say to you journalists, thank you for paying so much attention to us, and to President Mugabe, and for the publicity you have given me, those of you who have focused on me as a real dictator.”
He has a disconcerting habit of referring to himself in both the first and third person, sometimes in the same sentence. After all this time, perhaps it has become difficult to separate Mugabe the man from Mugabe the president. Mugabe was effusive in his praise for South Africa, and surprised many by confronting the headaches that Zimbabwe has given South Africa over the years. “We owe (South Africa) not just a gesture of thankfulness which we must express, but we owe you that thankfulness for the tolerance there has been on the part of the government here as the (Zimbabwean) people have really offended the system, jumping the borders and disturbing the social system here. Where they have come as worker we say thank you for giving that work.” His comments came against the backdrop of more xenophobic violence in South Africa.
Mugabe really got into his stride when it came to deconstructing the inequalities of the international system, which he holds responsible for so many of Zimbabwe’s ills.
A particular irritant is the composition of the UN Security Council, with its five permanent veto-wielding members. “The system isn’t functioning. We are trying to formulate amendments to the charter, especially to the Security Council, but America, Britain and France stand against us. Only China and Russia will support us. Must we go on and on presenting resolutions that are rejected? Are we that foolish? Aren’t we strong enough? Can’t we band ourselves together and say this or you don’t have us?” he said.
He also railed against the capitalist system that values money above all else. “I don’t believe that capital” — he spat the word out — “is of greater value than the natural resources I have. So when a company comes and says it has capital to invest, what does it do? The capital that is aimed at mining is drawing from my country a resource that cannot be replaced tomorrow. You are leaving holes in my country. And you say the capital is more valuable? I say that is bad economics if I teach my children that.” In a former life, Mugabe was a school teacher, and it shows. He has a knack of explaining complex issues in simple language, and is entertaining while doing so.
Like this diversion on how western powers devastated Libya. “Look at what they did to Libya . . . they went there and they had Gaddafi shot dead, and hunted and hounded his family. Sure that he was no longer there, they could suck the oil. See the mess Libya is. In Iraq, people were killed in the same way. Again oil. Bush and his brother had an oil company there.”
Mugabe is also deceptively funny.
The jokes don’t necessarily translate on the page, but he was playing for laughs and got them on several occasions. “Peace does not mean you have the lion’s share, and others have the baboon’s share,” was one that got a good response. “Blair, who was he? Just a Prime Minister of Britain. I am President of Zimbabwe!” was another.
But he had most fun with the issue currently dominating South Africa’s headlines: whether or not to tear down the Cecil John Rhodes statue at the University of Cape Town. ‘‘You have the statue, we have his corpse…’’ — Daily Maverick
Online Reporter