Online Reporter
We continue our in-depth conversation with former political detainee and guerrilla fighter, Cde Vivian Viyo Siziba, who served under the pseudonym Cde Vivian Mangezi. In this segment of the interview with our Assistant Editor, Mkhululi Sibanda (MS), Cde Siziba shares more about life in detention at WhaWha Prison, access to information, political discourse, and the events leading up to and following the 1978 Internal Settlement.
Below are excerpts from the conversation. Read on . . .
MS: You mentioned access to education during detention. Were you able to keep abreast of developments in the outside world?
Cde Siziba: One of the privileges detainees had was access to national newspapers such as The Herald and The Chronicle. Naturally, these were censored, but prison authorities would further censor them by cutting out certain news items. Since it was wartime, I believe they removed stories they thought might boost our morale, particularly those concerning the deaths of members of the Rhodesian security forces in operational areas. At our news time, everyone would gather to listen to a team of three: one person would read the paper, while the other two interpreted the content into SiNdebele and ChiShona, respectively. I sometimes took on the role of reader, while Paul Themba Plazi Nyathi, Francis Chirimuuta, Levia Malumisa, and Charles Chinhamo handled interpretations. In the evenings, these news stories became the basis for intense discussion and political analysis. Much of the analysis focused on diplomatic efforts to resolve the country’s political deadlock.
MS: Can you give an example of such diplomatic manoeuvres?
Cde Siziba: What comes to mind is the Kissinger Plan, which led to the Geneva Conference in 1976. The debates around those proposals were intense and divided the camp. Some believed the proposals offered a lasting solution, while others — like myself and Chirimuuta were sceptical. We argued that the proposals would fail, and indeed, they eventually did. I recall us making remarks that upset the elders, prompting us to apologise after being threatened with disciplinary action. Other sources of information came from visitors who had first-hand knowledge of guerrilla operations, and occasionally from sympathetic prison officers. This helped us stay informed about political developments throughout the country.
MS: Was there any form of entertainment during detention?
Cde Siziba: Yes, to alleviate boredom, especially over weekends we engaged in traditional dances. Zapu comprised people of diverse ethnic backgrounds from various provinces and districts, and our dances reflected this diversity.
We performed the Jerusalem dance from Murewa, the Mutshongoyo of the Ndau, Mbakumba of Masvingo, and Isitshikitsha and Amabhiza from Matabeleland, among others.
MS: What were political discussions like in detention?
Cde Siziba: Zapu facilitated political education among detainees. Senior party members such as Paul Themba Nyathi, George Marange, and Makhathini Guduza were instrumental in delivering political lessons, particularly to the youth. One key message was to denounce tribalism. Zapu even went as far as renaming provinces to remove tribal connotations, for instance, Matabeleland became the Western Province, Manicaland the Eastern Province, and Victoria Province (now Masvingo) was renamed South Province. Lessons were also imparted through informal conversations.
MS: What was the general mood in detention, and what kept you going?
Cde Siziba: As I mentioned, detainees were always hungry for information, particularly regarding political developments. This information gave us hope. Rumours, often referred to as kashiri circulated frequently. In military camps and among guerrilla communities, it was known as Radio Nampundu. These were often exaggerated, painting optimistic pictures that cities would soon fall to guerrilla forces. It was our propaganda. Sometimes, we managed to smuggle in materials like Zimbabwe Review, the official Zapu publication. Such items were treated with utmost secrecy to avoid detection by prison authorities.
MS: So there was considerable anxiety among detainees?
Cde Siziba: Absolutely. Being indefinitely incarcerated meant we clung to any news suggesting the possibility of early release. Diplomatic efforts, particularly the Kissinger Plan, raised hopes. But as the Geneva Conference progressed, differences between the Patriotic Front (Zapu and Zanu) on one hand and groups like Bishop Abel Muzorewa’s UANC, Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole’s Zanu, James Chikerema’s Frolizi, and the Rhodesian government became stark. Talks ultimately failed over three key sticking points:
1. The composition and duration of the interim government,
2. Control of the security forces, and
3. Integration and rehabilitation of guerrilla fighters.
The breakdown deeply disappointed detainees.
MS: What impact did the Geneva talks’ collapse have on the liberation struggle?
Cde Siziba: It led to a heightened armed struggle across the country. The UN-imposed trade embargo on Rhodesia also exacerbated the situation. Ian Smith tried to reach out to African nationalist leaders, including Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole who had lost favour with Zanla during the Mgagao Declaration in Tanzania by Zanla commanders, Bishop Muzorewa, and James Chikerema, whose Frolizi had collapsed but was briefly revived under an enlarged ANC initiative. The effort to unify nationalist leaders under one organisation also failed. At that time, groups with military backing that is Zapu and Zanu with their wings, ZPRA and Zanla, respectively were more influential. Desperation pushed Smith to negotiate the Internal Settlement, culminating in the 3 March 1978 Agreement.
MS: Please continue.
Cde Siziba: To legitimise the Internal Settlement and convince the international community to lift sanctions, political detainees and prisoners were to be released, and hostilities ceased. I was released on 13 April 1978 along with many others. Those from Harare were transported using the Salisbury United Omnibus Company buses; those heading to Bulawayo used prison trucks. Following our release orders, a Special Branch officer addressed us.
MS: What did he say?
Cde Siziba: He said we were being released on the condition that we refrained from subversive activities, failing which we would be prosecuted or re-detained. Unfortunately, he didn’t clarify what constituted “subversive activities.”
MS: What happened after your release?
Cde Siziba: I lived in Magwegwe Township, Bulawayo. It was my first time experiencing the city as a free person, having grown up in Gwanda. Despite the little hope surrounding the 3 March Agreement, little changed especially in rural areas where guerrilla activities continued. The supposed ceasefire was ignored. The guerrillas ignored the much publicised ceasefire rendering the whole Salisbury Political Arrangement a farce. Not all detainees were released either. Some, like Tyson Makheto, Johnson Mkandla, Sydney Malunga, and Charles Sigangatsha Ndlovu, remained incarcerated. Sadly, they’ve all since passed on. We were strongly advised against going into rural areas due to the threat of pseudo-guerrilla forces like the Selous Scouts. Upon release, Christian Care gave us Rh$100 twice. I bought a beast for $60 and a robust radio called the Avenger, which lasted four more years. I used that radio when I came back from the war in 1980. Fortunately, I secured a job as a credit clerk at Sound Credit Stores in Bulawayo through Dout Mabusa, another former detainee. Mabusa also released from detention, secured me the job where he was a manager, among the few black managers by then in the country. We were paid weekly wages.
MS: How did things change politically?
Cde Siziba: One provision of the March 3 Agreement was the unbanning of political parties. I attended a Zapu rally addressed by Josiah Chinamano at White City Stadium — it was packed. But these freedoms were short-lived. After the ZPRA shot down an Air Rhodesia Viscount in September 1978, the government reacted harshly.
MS: How did the government respond?
Cde Siziba: I remember Rowan Cronje, one of Smith’s Co-Ministers, saying: “Africa has never seen the angry face of a white man — they are going to see it in Rhodesia.” Indeed, that “angry face” manifested on 19 October 1978 with air raids on ZPRA camps in Mkushi and Freedom Camp, Zambia, killing and maiming many. Zapu was re-banned, many were re-detained, and martial law was imposed on guerrilla hotspots. The entire country became a de facto prison. So after the Viscount incident, all those token freedoms were shred into pieces. The ban on Zapu and Zanu were reinstated. The State of Emergency which was in force was reinforced by martial law proclaimed after the shooting down of the Viscount, said to had been selectively imposed in most hot spots of guerrilla activities. The entire country virtually became a prison. To avoid re-arrest, I decided to leave the country and undergo guerrilla training.
l To be concluded next week, with Cde Siziba recounting his guerrilla training in Angola under Cuban instructors.
