adminPranjal Bajaj
When Zimbabwe got independence in 1980, 4 500 white farmers — that is five percent of population — owned 70 percent of the productive cultivable land.
Even as recent as 1999, a total of eleven million hectares of the most productive land was still owned by the same 4 500 white elite.
This was an unprecedented and a unique situation. Such a situation perhaps had no parallel anywhere in the world. It was difficult for anyone like me to even comprehend such a scenario.
Yet the indigenous people led by the late Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe (then leading the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe) agreed during Lancaster talks, which took place just before independence of Zimbabwe in 1980, to pay market price to white farmers for any purchase of the land which they occupied, on a willing seller-willing buyer basis during a period of 10 years from date of Independence. The white farmers were to be allowed to remit the money overseas.
The new Government of Zimbabwe was to wait for 10 years to initiate any land reforms and they dutifully did so.
Government could not buy much land from white farmers during the 10 years’ window as it did not have enough money to pay to the white farmers.
This arrangement also caused an increase in the cost of land and the available money only managed to buy very few hectares of land for resettlement.
Though there was no written commitment by colonial and Western powers to finance the purchase of land from white farmers, negotiators like Sir Ramphal were candid about a secret deal which was not honoured by Western powers.
The British assisted with less than 50 million Pounds, with which nearly 3 million hectares of land were purchased and redistributed till 1990. The initial reforms were a success. The food crop production by small farmers almost doubled between 1980 and 1990.
The Government support by way of research, funding, extension activities and GMB infrastructure helped a lot in such increase.
Due to lack of required assistance from donors, further progress in redistribution of land could not be achieved. Moreover, Government finances had not kept pace with expenses made on developing infrastructure between1980-1990.
There were also strong suspicions of externalisation of forex and profits by white farmers.
The period after 1990 was a very difficult phase for Government as GDP and manufacturing shrank in the absence of forex required for inputs. However, Zimbabwe was still the bread basket of Southern Africa and surplus food was exported. In year 2000 the total farming produce of Zimbabwe was approximately four million tonnes.
The scenario between 1980 and 2000 for Zimbabweans was of political freedom but continued economic slavery.
The income disparity was huge and wealth was not shared equitably. It was a classic case of not-so-poor country having a huge majority of extremely poor landless people and some ultra-rich white farmers.
The Government, upon completion of the 10-year window in 1990, passed a Land Acquisition Act and removed the willing seller-willing buyer clause. The Act was fair and though the Government could acquire land compulsorily, market prices were to be paid and appeals could be filed in courts by aggrieved party.
But in whole of the decade of 1990-2000 only a little less than a million hectares were acquired and most of it was not so rich or fertile land.
Less than 25 percent of total land acquired till 2000 was fertile and good. Getting fed up with slow pace of land redistribution, the Government notified some particular farms (numbering 810) in 1997 of compulsory takeover and redistribution.
Government came with a specific five-year plan for the purchase of huge specified and notified farmlands in 1998 and a donor’s conference was called to finance this initiative. The finances were not available and white farmers dragged their feet. Perhaps the patience of Zimbabweans was being tested.
The Government had a majority in Parliament but still called for a referendum to pass a new constitution.
One feature of the new constitution was to allow Government to take over white-owned land without compensation. But the other political issues got mixed up during referendum and the defeat of Government in referendum in year 2000 eclipsed the issue of land. This defeat perhaps acted as a trigger for an unsavoury future of the land reforms issue.
The patience of Zimbabweans withered in 1999-2000 and instances of anarchy during takeover of land from whites without any compensation were reported.
The controversial story of takeovers is known to the entire world and it will not help dwelling on it here.
However, it may be felt that the international community should have seen the writing on the wall and intervened constructively before the situation reached a flash point in the year 1999/ 2000. They had a clear 20-year window to act but it was missed. Between 1999-2000 and 2003 seven million hectares had been redistributed under circumstances known to the entire world.
The reports of appropriation by rich and powerful were in circulation.
However, the facts collected by me in 2008 from many sources proved that at least 80 percent of the total approximate eleven million hectares redistributed since independence till the year 2003 had been given to genuine and needy peasants, unemployed youth and working class from both Government and private sector. Peasants like my farmer friend living in Gokwe got a minimum of 50 percent of the total redistributed land of Zimbabwe.
One should look at redistribution of 80 percent of land to needy and deserving people in positive manner as one would like to look at a glass half full.
It is also important to note that even to this date there are still more than 250 white large commercial farmers in Zimbabwe who are carrying on their business while there are also a few indigenous elite occupying big farms.
To be continued
Online Reporter